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THE
HARVARD
THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
VOLUME XIV
ISSUED QUABTDBLT BT
THE FACDLTT OF DIVINITY IN HABVABD UNIVEBSITY
CAHBBID6B, MASSACHUSETTS
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
1921
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CP 6&*4
The Hofvard Theological Review has been partially endowed by
a bequest of the late Miss Mildred Everett, *'for the establish-
ment and maintenance of an midenominational theological review,
to be edited mider the direction of the Faculty of the Divinity
School (rf Harvard University. . . . I make this provision in order
to carry out a plan suggested by my late father, the Rev. Charles
Carroll Everett/* During the continuance of The New Worlds
Dr. Everett was on its editorial board, and many of his essays,
now collected in the volume entitled Essays, Theclogieal arid
Liiefary, appeared first in its pages. Sharing his belief in the
value of such a theological review, and in devotion to his honored
memory, the Faculty of the Harvard Divinity School, of which
he was a member from 1869, and its Dean from 1878 until his
death in 1900, has accepted the trust, and will strive to make the
Review a worthy memorial of his comprehensive thought and
catholic spirit.
The Review is edited for the Faculty of the Harvard Divinity
School by a committee consisting of Professors 6. F. Moore, J. H.
Hopes, W. B. Arnold and K. Lake, and Dr. Frederic Palmer.
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Volume XIV Number 1
CONTENTS FOR JANUARY, IWl
Immanencb, Stoic and Chribtiax Qerald H. RendaU 1
Thb Efibtola Afobtolorum Kirsopp Lake 15
Chubch and Rsughdn in Gebmant Riehard Lempp 80
Thi TcncBS OF Psteb and Paul Ad Catacumbab
OeoTffe La Piana 58
NoTBB. — SiMON» Cephas, Pbtbb, K. Lake. — Pourtben Gsnbba-
TioNB» Matt. 1, 17, 0. F. Moore. — Thb Mbaning of John 16, 11,
W. H. P. Hatch. — Thb Mbdical Languagb of Hipfocratbb, H. J.
Cadbvry.
Volume XIV Number 2
CONTENTS FOR APRIL, 19«1
A Dbcadb of LrTHKB Stddt Preserved Smith 107
Thb Chbonoi^ogigal Sghbmb of Agtb . Benjamin Wiener Bacon 187
Thb RjojaiotJB and Moral Situation in Francs Vidor Monod 107
NoTBB. — A Paftrdb Manuscript of thb Minor Prophbts, H. A.
Sandere. — Cbphas and Pbtbr in thb Epistlb to thb Galatianb,
O. La Piana. — A Stbiac Parallel to the Golden Rulb, W. B. P.
Hatch. — ^'Strain out a Gnat and Adorn a Cambl^'* C. C. T<yrrey.
— From Abraham to David, Fourtebn GEinBRATioNB, 0. F. Moore.
Volume XIV Number S
CONTENTS FOR JDLY, 1921
Christian Writebs on Judaism Oeorge F. Moore 197
Ethiob and Ebchatoloot of Methodius of Oltmfub
Emeeto BuonaiuU ft55
American Thbibts John Wright Buekham WJ
VdumeXIV Nwnber 4
CONTENTS FOR OCTOBER, 19«1
LrrERATUBB ON Church Hibtort
' I Early Church Hibtort Chuiav KrOger 287
NoTBB. — A CoNiBoruRB ON Matthbw 11, 12, /. Hugh Michael.^
The Tbxt of Luke 2, 22, W. H. P. Hatch.
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INDEX OF AUTHORS
Baoon, Benjamin Wibneb . . The Chronological Scheme of AcU .... 187
BucKHAM^ John Wbight . . . American Theists 267
BuoNAiTTTi, Ernesto .... Ethics and Eacfaatology of Methodius of
Olympus 265
Cadbubt, H. J The Medical Language of Hippocrates
(NoU) loe
Hatch, W. H. P The Meaning of John 16, 11 (NoU) ... 109
TheTeztofLuke2,22(iVoe0) 877
A Syriac Parallel to the Golden Rule (iVoto) 108
Kruoeb, Gubtav Literature on Church History
I Early Church History 287
Lake, Kibsofp The Epistola Apostolonim 15
Simon, Cephas Peter (iVoto) 05
Lehfp, Richard Church and Religion in Germany .... 80
La Piana, Gbobob The Tombs of Peter and Paul Ad Catacumbas 58
Cephas and Peter in the Epistle to the
Galatians (Note) . 187
MoNOD, Victor The Religious and Moral Situation in
France 167
Moobb, Geoboe Foot .... Christian Writers on Judaism 107
From Abraham to David, Fourteen Gen-
erations (^^0^0) 106
Fourteen Generations, Matthew 1,17 (iVofo) 07
MicHAKu J. Hugh A Conjecture on Matthew 11, 12 ... . 875
Rbndall^ Gerald H Immanence^ Stoio and Christian .... 1
SmiH, Feebebyed A Decade of Luther Study 107
Sandbb8»H. A A Papyrus Manuscript of the Ifinor
Firoidieto 181
Tobbbt,C.C "Strain out a Gnat and Adoni a Camel"
(NoU) 105
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HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Vouna XIV JANUARY. 1921 Numbbi 1
IMMANENCE, STOIC AND CHRISTIAN
GERALD H. RENDALL
Dkdham, Ebbsz, England
As an effective philosophic concept, applicable to all forms of
being, Immanence takes its start from Stoicism. It was a
growth, rather than a first principle or formula. It did not
start as a scientific hypothesis, but rather as an attractive
figure or guess, which gradually grew into a theory, and was
daborated into a body of doctrine. The assumption out of
which it sprang was that the world was an ordered unity, as
Pythagoras had declared — a Kasmos. Whence came the
Order of the Unity, and how imposed?
NoSf biadxriirin Tckyra — Mind (or A Mind) ordered all
things — had been the formula propounded by Anaxagoras;
and Socrates at first hearing gave enthusiastic welcome to the
idea, but turned from it in disappointment when he found in
it no more than a rational analysis and classification of efficient
causes, without any attempt to account for their genesis, their
method, or their goal. To the Stoics, on the other hand, the
term seemed too precise and personal. NoDs connoted or im-
plied an external mind directing or at least designing the uni-
verse, a deistic assumption to which they could not subscribe.
Instinctively, deliberately, or evasively, by no means foreseeing
the results and eventual consequences of the choice, they pre-
ferred the more oracular dicta of Heraclitus regarding the
directive X^YOf. In his pr^nant and poetic way, the 'dark'
Sage of Ephesus had spoken of the ever-existent Word or
Reason as the sovereign ordinance by which the Universe pur-
sues its course. Not dogouiticaUy, but in a series of pr^nant
metaphors, he indicates its modes of action. On the rational
side it declares itself as design, intelligence, an ordered purpose
running through nature, 'the mind of Zeus,' imparting to it
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« HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
coherence and unity; at other tunes it is regarded as construc-
tive energy or force, 'the plastic fire' in which being has its
source, or as the authoritative fiat 'the thunderbolt which
steers all things'; the changes and processes of nature are the
kindling and combustion of the ever-burning fire 'kindled in
due measure and extinguished in due measure/ And with this
Logos men were in constant, though often unconscious, com-
munion, 'unconscious of what they do when awake, just as
oblivious when they sleep/ Often they are at variance with
this Logos, though it is none the less their constant companion
and the pilot of their destinies. Thus figuratively or even
my thologically rather than scientifically, Heraditus conceived
or clothed the Logos with attributes in part material, in part
intellectual and spiritual, without any attempt to define the
relation or interaction between the two. It could be thought
of as the quintessential source of being, the life-eneigy in all
phenomena; or again as the cause and reason of their being
what they were, the counterpart of reason and consciousness
in man; or again as the directive power of the Zeus, the fate,
the destiny, which ruled and determined the process due to its
instigation and impact. The word itself favored and covered
such ambiguities. Logos could mean reason acting from within,
or thought finding articulate expression in speech, or the au-
thoritative mandate of direction from without, or even more
vaguely the principle of relation and proportion, which main-
tained the balance, the equipoise of being and action between
thing and thing.
To this conception, so elastic and undefined in its extent,
Zeno gave ready welcome. And already in the Hymn to Zeus,
practicaUy the earliest authentic document of Stoicism which
has survived, Cleanthes treats it as the vehicle of that cosmic
pantheism which the Stoic thought of immanence evolved.
Zeus, King of Kmgs,
Chaos to thee is order; in thme eyes
The unloved is lovely, who did'st harmonise
Things evil with things good, that there should be
One Word through all things everlastingly.
One Word — whose voice, alas! the wicked spurn.
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niMANENCE, STOIC AND CHRISTIAN 3
The quotation is characteristic of the Stoic position. It a£Bnns
the unity, but allows the contradictions. In the universe at
large it believes in the existence of a hic^er constraining power
or iHTOvidence, which constitutes a hi^^er harmony, and recon-
ciles seeming evil with higher good. The evil is but apparent,
and in reality contributory to the good ; it is either non-existent,
an illusion in the mind of the observer, or misinterpreted owing
to defects of insight. But the most formidable difficulty arises
from the nature and the mind of Man, in his estrangement, his
conflict with the Order of the Universe. Now the relation of
Man to the Kosmos was vital to the Stoic scheme of thought.
The Kosmos was in a sense invented and affirmed in his behalf.
The Kosmos of the Universe must be in correspondence with
the Kosmos of Man; each must be a true Kosmos, possessed
of inner unity and of stability, and Uie two must be reconcilable,
must agree together.
lliis could only be if there existed some link, some interaction,
inner correspondence, or identity between the two. By a bold
venture or guess, availing themselves of the figurative am-
biguities of the Logos idea, the Stoics interpreted the world
upon the basis and analogy of man; and the analogy was ela-
borated with remarkable acumen and completeness. In detail
and in mass the Kosmos is the counterpart of the individual
man. The Universe is a living whole — fr f ^ — a single live
organism, a coherent rational order, as shown by the complete
interdependence of all its activities and parts, ""^iritus intus
alit.'' Pervading spirit animates the frame; manifesting itself
in various phases, it may be called by a variety of names, ac-
cording to the various functions in which it is engaged —
breath, life, mind, will, nature, necessity, law, God, currents
of heat, and many more. Each is a partial aspect of one in-
herent energy. God, if that name be used, is not transcendent,
imposing orders from without, but inherent, immanent, acting
from within, and therefore circumscribed by the organism in
and through which he acts. From Cleanthes onwards, Pnetmui,
a more material category than Logos ^ becomes the favorite
term for this life-power, and passes into Latin Anima Munii.
PhysicaUy it takes effect as breath, expanding and contracting
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4 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
the lungs, maintaining the respiratory activities of life; physio-
logicaUy it acts as currents of heat and force, coursing along the
arteries and nerves, beating in the heart, producing the co-
ordinated reactions of the organs of nutrition, digestion, and
the several senses, which make up the life of the organism;
emotionally it operates as desire, anger, shame, and all the
various impulses, which have their well-known physical con-
comitants; once more, it manifests itself as reason, conscience,
will, directing the operations of the subordinate parts and the
self-conscious whole. Spirit is matter; matter is spirit. Matter
only exists by virtue of the inherence of spirit.
In this monistic theory of Spirit, Matter, and Being, the
Stoics made little serious attempt to grapple with the difficul-
ties created by the vast variety and multiplicity of the phases of
phenomena. Dialectically they did not face the unsolved prob-
lems of the One and Many, of plurality of being as the expres-
sion of a single source and energy of life. Only as difficulties
arose were theories devised to countervail or parry them..
The most ingenious was the theory of TonoSy tension or
strain. The Pneuma^ it was held, underwent varieties of self-
embodiment. Hence arose different states of matter — solid,
liquid, gaseous — inorganic or organic — and the varieties of
being which phenomena exhibit. The lower grade of tension
produces inanimate solids — earth, stone, pulp, the mineral
kingdom, characterised by the property of lf« — *hold,'
cohesion, weight. A higher tension produces organic poten-
tialities of v^etable life, evinced in ^to-ts — growth; a yet
higher, the animal world, with its more sensitive machinery of
tissues, nerves, sensation, etc.; a higher still, consciousness,
mind, the attributes of man, which evince the highest products
of the world-spirit, rising to those of *the plastic fire* which is
the vital force at its highest development.
Projected as a speculation, with little attempt at observa-
tional or scientific proof, the hypothesis seemed fantastic, and
utterly inadequate to account for the multiplicity of forms and
forces, the differentiation of kinds, the fixity of the reactions of
the various phases and metamorphoses. But strangely enough
it has found a remarkable analogy — Stoics might justly say»
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IMMANENCE, STOIC AND CHRISTIAN 5
corroboration — in the properties and functions assigned by
modem physicists to Ether. That, too, belongs to the material
order, yet has strange affinities or interactions with the spiritual.
As luminif erous ether it is omnipresent to the furthest confines
of the known (or sensible) Universe. Called "void** — but in
reality a plenum — it is all-pervasive, and seems to lie at the
base of sJl material existence. If all matter is composed of
atoms, the atom itself is now conceived as a system of electrons,
and the electron itself as an electrical unit, deriving its attri-
butes from Ether. Thus, in terms of Ether it has become possi-
ble at last to think the contradictions and the metamorphoses
of the Stoic Pneuma. On the material side it offers an attrac-
tive, if elusive, key to the problem of the cosmic unity. Yet
Ether, it is all-important to observe, operates wholly in the
domain and along the lines of the external and material order,
in absolute obedience to natural and causal law. There is no
valid indication that Ether can pass into thought or conscious-
ness, or that it shares any of the attributes and freedoms of
Soul. There is nothing in consciousness or thought, little even
by way of analogy to suggest, still less to warrant, that thought
can thus change into an existence, external to itself, which it is
then able to utilize, direct, and control, and which is subject to
laws, processes, limitations, ways of behavior, ^itirely foreign
to itself.
It is easy — and in much modem theology, preaching, and
poetry, it is common — to fall into the wfles of the Logos doc-
trine and become the victim of its ambiguities. The ancients
w«fe beguiled by the term *Word*; we more often by such
substitutes as ^expression,* 'utterance,' and the like. Things,
it is said, are an 'utterance* of the will or thought of God;
God; or the Creator spirit, 'expresses* himself in such and such
forms or aspects of matter. But when thought expresses itself
in a word (spoken or written), or in a melody (whether through
the mediiun of instruments or written notes), or in a work of
art (be it picture or building), it does not mean that thought
brings into existence^ creates, or becomes, the raedia employed,
but only that it is able to use materials at its disposal — vocal
organs, ear-drums, optical nerves, pen and ink, bricks and
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6 HARVARD TEDEOLOGICAL REVIEW
mortar, or whatever other medium is employed — to further
and fulfil its own ends, and to convey the fact of its existence
and the interpretations of its experience to other minds trained
to understanding of the symbols and materials employed.
Thought does not create, call into existence, these things,
it utilizes and employs them; it moves matter y utilizes and
co-ordinates it — it does not create. Wide and profound as
the distinction is, it may easily escape us under cover of a
term.
Again, when Pneuma is thought of as admitting all the vari-
ous metamorphoses which are exhibited in the multiplicity of
phenomena, its unitive function evaporates and tends to dis-
appear. The individual man, for instance, comprises PneuwAi
in every variety of phase, and it is hard to say by what right
the Hegemonic Pneuma controls or unifies the rest, which make
up his totality of being. The claim made, psychologically, is
independence, not control or subordination of the inferior
types. The world-soul is in proportionately worse case; it be^
comes the directive principle of a pluralist universe, of an in-
finite number of embodiments of the Logos. In what sense can
it be held to direct or control? What relation has it to the in-
dividual embodiments?
Pantheism identifies the universe with God, and in so doing
circumscribes him to the universe, which he is. God is every-
thing, because everything is God. This means that God is just
as much decay and disease as conservation and health, as much
excretion as nutrition, as much death and extinction as birth
and reproduction, as much paralysis as function, as much moral
evil as moral good. What are we to say of bad men, the base,
the vile, the liar, the murderer? Are these also in God and of
God? "Yes,'* answers Spinoza, "they are." But more and
more, as it developed. Stoicism shrank from that rigor of in-
ference. It seemed the reducHo ad absurdum of the ethical de-
mand which it had adopted its doctrine of immanence to
establish. The theory of immanence helps Uttle to account for
the unitary order and correspondences of the Kosmos and all
its parts.
But to pass to the psychological aspects of the case.
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IBOIANENCE, STOIC AND CHMSTIAN 7
The object of the Stoics was to supply a basis for the a^&picaa,
the moral independeiice> of the soul, and to show that such
moral independence accorded with the constitution of the
world» that it was indeed <cari 4^tPy 'in accordance with
nature,' and part of the cosmic harmony. The world-soul was
the analogy of man's. But the world-soul on examination re-
vealed itself as a rational order, a system of processes and laws
conforming to a general scheme, which showed no trace of
emotion or of passion, of impulse or desires, but was an ordered
scheme of providential design. Logof was 'the pilot of the
universe.' The one element in man's nature — in keeping with
the term Logos — which conformed to this type, was reason,
the rational and moral will; and this the Stoics aflirmed to be
the seminal, directive, h^emonic faculty in man. They defi-
nitely separated it off from the other faculties, and claimed for
it a sovereign place. Man is master of his will; ethically that
is the centre of the system. The appetites, the sensations, the
impulses, the emotions are rigorously subordinated and ruled
out. ''Efface impression; stay impulse; quench inclination;
be mastar of the directive will." There, in short, was the creed.
But what an arbitrary, untenable line of cleavage this intro-
duces! The vital distinction is drawn not at self -consciousness,
but at the ezerdse of a particular faculty or set of faculties that
belong to the soul. If there is one conclusion more than an-
other in which all modem sdbemes of psychology agree, it is
the assertion of the unity of soul. From the same source,
whatever that Apx/i may be, proceed sensation, emotion, con-
sciousness, thought, will, and the other activities of the soul,
the Ego. Historically we may discuss Plato's tripartite divi-
sion of the soul, or Paul's distinction between \lnrxff and nvtd^^
or Stoic classifications of the various soul-faculties; they are
useful for analysis, for study of human faculty, and of the
nature of 'Soul' itself; but they do not represent an actual
cleavage or contain the promise of a differentia showing the
true rdation of the Ego to the universal life.
At this point Stoidsm develops its inferences in a new and
— at bottom — unfounded and iUogical direction. Having
first discerned in the material constitution of the universe an
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8 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
analogue to the physical organism of man, and having then
isolated in man a particular element or activity of soul, which
seems most in accordance with the directive genius of the uni*
verse, it next proceeds to endow the world-spirit with the com-
panion attributes which belong to human personality. And so
we pass to the strange and inconsistent paradox of personal and
emotional Pantheism, which became the chief l^acy of Stoicism
to Christian and to modem thought. In the hands of the latar
Stoics — of Seneca, of Epictetus, of Marcus Aurelius — the
accent of emotion everywhere intrudes. Nature is God's fa-
miliar; the Reason of the Univ^^e becomes once more Father
of gods and men, the god within the breast, the ever-present
deity, the protector of the struggling and oppressed, the inward
monitor of all who are to seek, the stay of the despised, the
companion of the sorrowful, the comforter of the bereaved.
And Stoicism holds out the hand of fellowship to rival philoso-
phies and cults, becomes the revivalist of pagan rites and litur-
gies, the hierophant and worshipper at mysteries, the patron
of the diviner and the thaumaturgist. This is the version of
Immanence which appeals to the eclectic, undogmatic, ques-
tioning spirit of today. The doctrine lays hold as a poetry of
Nature, which imputes to material things the emotions of
which we are conscious in our own soul. They express and
answer to
A sense sublime
Of something far more deeply interfused.
Whose dwelling is the light of setting suns.
And the round ocean, and the living air.
And the blue sky, and in the mind of man;
A motion and a spirit, that impels
All thinking things, all objects of all thoughts.
And rolls through all things.
It is superfluous to quote the trite passages from Pope, Words-
worth, Byron, Shelley, £. BrontS, and the rest. They form the
kernel and the charm of current behefs in Immanence.
Theology has fastened on them, and modem thought upon
the Incarnation has done much to confirm belief in immanence.
It seems to bridge the gulf between God and man. All creation
is but partial, incomplete incarnation, and is for that reason
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IMMANENCE, STOIC AND CHRISTIAN 9
sacramental. Into humanity in particular God has ever been
coming; striving, longing to enfold it in the embrace of love;
at last, in Jesus, he completes the confluence of love with the
object of desire. But a true doctrine of immanence must rest
upon a valid and coherent psychology.
^Vhat is Soul — the most baffling problem in philosophy.
Theologically, the two main doctrines of the origin of soul are
the Creationist and the Traducian. The Creationist, adopted
by Augustine and the Schoolmen, and by Qrigen with the
characteristic addition of pre-existence« assiunes the separate
creation of each individual soul. The idea of creation out of
nothing baffles thought, and is to our intelligence meaningless —
though that does not disprove its possibility. Pre-existence of
soul can only be said to postpone the difficulty and shift it a
stage further back. But independently of this ultimate diffi-
culty, the objections which beset the Creationist theory are
very serious. It gives no account of heredity or of the reproduc-
tive machinery of life. Yet moral and spiritual qualities of soul
are unmistakably in some sense inherited, transmitted. Does
God, by some ^pre-arranged harmony,* create the soul in ac-
cord with the physical organ for which he designs it? What
fatal arbitrariness and inconsequence attend the idea! Theo-
logically put, Creationism excludes the theory of Original Sin
or of hereditary taint, and throws upon God, with all the diffi-
culties of hard Calvinistic predestinarianism, the responsibility
of continuously creating imperfect, blighted, vicious, and in-
fnictuous souls. It may accord well enough with a theory of
immanence, but on other grounds seems unsatisfying and inad-
missible. Partly for these reasons Reformed theology turned
towards the Traducian hypothesis, viz., that soul is transmitted
and inherited as part of the physical organism with which it is
associated.
The Traducian theory — in biological terms, the protoplas-
mic — is that of the modem biologist. It affirms the transmis-
sion of the soul by way of natural rq>roduction from parent to
offspring. It has behind it the whole ciunulative evidence of
the reproductive machinery and of the observed facts of hered-
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10 HARVABD TEIEOLOGICAL BEVIEW
ity» but it fails to give any just account of the self-centred in-
dependence of the soul. It leaves no room for immanence of
the divine, unless by way of supplementary intrusion or
addition.
A far more helpful and attractive speculation is to r^ard
soul, not as an entity, either created or transmitted, but rather
as a centre or nucleus of potential capacities, forming itself
within a vast and continuous stream of universal life. Soul
may be compared with the atom, ultimately resolved into units
susceptible of electric charges, positive and negative. This may
be best apprehended in the form of illustration. Conceive a
universal stream of energy and being. Within this stream a
vortex forms, a self-centred nucleus of will-to-live, will-to-bear,
will-to-respond. It gathers into its individual swirl elements of
which it is itself composed. It has independent existence, and
yet it moves within and as a part of the great current in which
it is immersed, and is sensitive to the various movements and
reactions of all the neighbor vortices with which it is in con-
tact. Its very existence depends upon reaction and response,
and yet it unifies all that comes within its private range and
circumference. This is the interpenetration of souls, the influ-
ence of soul on soul, which (however inexplicable) is a fact of
daily and undeniable experience. Thus it takes its place as a
self-determined whole, yet deriving all its capabilities from,
and subject to, over-mastering restrictions from without. This
meets and explains the seeming contradictions of determinism
and free-will. Soul lives by response, a self-determined whole,
within the universal life, or thought, of God. Will is its own
motion, emotion its relation and its reaction, partly to the illi-
mitable whole, partly to the self-centred vortices among which
it moves. The will-to-live and the will-to-love are its guaran-
tees of continued existence. It is a nucleus of power in the
sense that it gathers into itself and into its own motion elements
or influences from without, and makes them part of its own
being. By such assimilative action we win our souls, we en-
large their action and circumference.
So far from conflicting with the demands of heredity and
transmission, this confirms and interprets them. Reproduction
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IMMANENCE^ STOIC AND CHRISTIAN 11
involves only the detadiment, by fission, of a germ, a tiny cell
possessing the capacities (the motions and reactions) of the
organism of whidb it formed a part. The evolutionary life-
process has been the machinery for preserving and transmitting
the ever-accumulating store of sensitiveness to reactions de-
rived from the immemorial past. Countless numbers of such
germs continually detach themselves — the soft roe and the
hard — of each several organism. Only by inter-union is new
and independent life attained, a combination of allied poten-
tialities. The new self-centred vortex starts with the union of
two responsive, complementary germs; that is indispensable
for the origination of a fresh independent vortex-motion; that
is to say, accompanying the will-to-live there must exist also
the will-to-love. Only so does the new life and being realize
itself, and at once create and paea on the hpxh of a new life unit.
Creationism and Traducianism each find their true interpreta-
tion.
Immanence upon this showing is no longer an intrusion of
some force from without, an interference with individuality and
an invasion of the soul's prerogative, but represents the soul's
own sensitiveness and completeness of reaction and response to
the primal life-power, the being — or the product — of the
omnipresent life-giving and self-moving Grod. The measure of
the soul's activity lies in its capacity and sensitiveness of re-
sponse; and the pledge and condition of its survival is the ever-
lastingness of the perennial and overflowing life-stream in which
it is immersed. All the soul-experiences which the Stoics de-
vised immanence to satisfy are at least as well accounted for by
capacity of response to a transcendent being, as by indwelling
of a derived and partial and immanent energy similar in kind.
In terms of Old Testament thought, '"Thou hast hesel me he-
hind emd before^ and laid thy hand upon me," may be taken
as the typical text. And this is the preponderating note in the
New Testament, even in the writers who have most felt the
impact of Stoicism. In the speech at Athens (Acts 17, 28),
steeped as it is in Stoic coloring, *'In Him we live and move and
have our being" is the formiida adopted, just as in Rom. 11,
S6 we read, '"Of Him, and through Him, and unto Him are all
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12 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
things/' 'El' XP^'^Q is the typical phrase, denoting the union of
the believer with Christ, and the admissible ^Xhrist in me*'
(Gal. 2, 20; Rom. 8, 10, etc.)» connotes a transcendental trans-
formation of the inner life. The definition of Christian belief
as compared with pagan, in 1 Cor. 8, 6, runs, *'To us there is
one God, the Father, of whom are all things and we unto him;
and one Lord Jesus Christ, through whom are all things, and
we through him." We are in God rather than God in us.
In the external world, where we discern nothing but absolute
and undeviating adherence to law, God may act by immanence.
What creation is, or by what means it takes effect, lies beyond
our grasp. Indeed, in what sense or degree the personal self
creates, transcends, or indwells its bodily organ we cannot say.
Continuous creation may be a mode, a function, or a fiat, of the
divine being. And in created things perfection of response is
indistinguishable from passive and inert obedience. Thus in
the cosmic process God may operate by immanence, though
there is nothing to prove and not much that is valid to counten-
ance it. The very distinction between immanence and trans-
cendence eludes our grasp. But when we come to finite centres
of self-conscious life, the idea of immanence lands us in insoluble
contradictions. It violates the self-determining prerogative of
soul. For immanence presupposes an intruded element of
divine spirit, somehow coordinated and acting side by side with
the individual personality. How are the two related? How do
they interact? We are brought face to face in every individual
with the tangled difiiculties that beset the doctrine of the two
natures in the theology of the Incarnation. There the difii-
culty was turned by assuming perfect reciprocity of wills and
mutual interchange {communicaiio idiomatum)^ in fact per-
fection of response. But in the case of human personalities
that is not so; there is a balance of forces, and antagonism as
well as reciprocity of wills. The position cannot be saved by
the assumption which preserves a unity of personality in the
incarnate Grod-man. And if the spiritual consciousness is a sort
of tug-of-war between the rival wills, it is hard to think of the
divine will as constantly over-ruled and set at nought by the
human will, and only fitfuUy and partially asserting its pre-
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IMMANENCE, STOIC AND CHRISTIAN 13
dominance. One would expect rather that the divine will
would inevitably and by its nature prevail; that it would assert
itself, in theological terms, as irresistible grace. But with that
assumption, free-will is at an end, as Calvinism consistently
taught.
Again — and this goes far deeper than Calvinist interpreta-
tions of the relation of the soul to God — assuming there is an
element of immanence in the obdurate soul which refuses to
hear the voice of the charmer or to yield up its independence,
what shall we say? That it detaches itself or somehow emanates
from the soul, in which it failed to establish its footing? or, on
the other hand, that it continues to share its destinies? that we
may postulate an immanence of the Divine even in permanently
recalcitrant souls? Ineffectual immanence cuts at the root of
divine power and holiness.
Finally, let us apply the argument to the belief in personal
survival. For the Stoic, accepting re-absorption into the uni-
versal hfe, there was no difficulty; personality was but a tem-
porary phase of immanent life; but for the believer in im-
mortality no such way of escape is open. The consistent
evolutionist is faced by corresponding difficulties about the
genesis of immortaUty. In the process of development there
are various points — the apparent chasm between the inorganic
and the organic, between the automatic and the self-conscious
— where it seems hard to reconstruct a gradual process and
avoid a sudden catastrophic leap; but the gaps are being
steadily reduced and bid fair at last to close up into a con-
tinuum. Few are more perplexing, at first sight more unbridg-
able, than the transition from extinction into immortality. If
soul is an entity, created imperishable, there seems no solution
except in the will or fiat of the Creator; immortality is withheld
or conferred or withdrawn 'per saltunii from without. If, on the
other hand, soul is a unit of life, which through accumulating
heritages from the past at last attained potentialities which fit
if for a self-centred motion of its own, initiated by combination
with another unit of like kind, then it may well be that soul
after soul trembled upon the very verge of success yet failed to
attain; that there have been countless relapses from attainment
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14 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
achieved but forfeited; that many do not even make their
start. Immortality is but the realization of potential survival-
values. By defiant, self-willed refusal to accept the flow of the
main current, or by incessant failure of reaction to the com-
panion nuclei or vortices among which it moves, the title and
capacity for independent movement on the axis of the personal
and individual self may dwindle and die out. That is to fail
to win our souls, to forfeit all survival rights, to lapse from that
immortality which our source of being and our environment, if
used aright, offered and guaranteed to us; we gain no lasting
place in the world-order. But there is neither re-absorption nor
diminution nor extinction of the larger life in which we lived
and moved and had our being.
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THE EPISTOIA APOSTOLOBUM 15
THE EPISTOLA APOSTOLORUM
KmSOFP LAKE
Habvabd Ukivebsitt
In 1895 there appeared in the Proceedings of the Royal Prus-
sian Academy an account of Eine bisher unbekannte atickriMiche
Scknft in kapHscker Sprachey^ by Carl Schmidt, at that time
a sdbolar of the German Imperial Archaeological Institute in
^SyP^- Schmidt was helped in further research on this docu-
ment by Pierre Lacau, the Egyptologist, but a full publication
was delayed in the hope of further knowledge. This has come,
slowly but satisfactorily from new discoveries and the friendly
codperation of French, English, and German scholars.
The first step was the discovery in Vienna, by Dr. Bick, the
librarian, of a palimpsest, originally from Bobbio, of a Latin
version of the same document.' Schmidt then determined to
publish the Coptic text, and in 1910 this had already been
printed, when the present Ptovost of Eton, Montague Rhodes
James, noticed an article by the Abb6 Gu^rier in the Revue
de VOrient Chritien^ entitled, ** Un tedament {Mhwpien) de Notre
Seigneur el Satweur Jims Christ en OalilSe.** He wrote to
Schmidt, who in turn corresponded with Guerrier, and it was
f oimd that this Ethiopic document, which Dillmann had known
but not thought worth publication, was identical with the
Coptic apocryph. Schmidt once more delayed his publication
until Guerrier was ready, and it was not until 191S that Guer-
rier published the text, with a French translation, in the Patro-
logia Orientalis of Graffin and Nau.*
Finally in 1919 * Schmidt published in volume xliii of the
1 SHsungBbericht der pliil.-liut. Ckuae vom 20 Juni, 1885.
> ^l^ener PalinqNKste, I. Teil. Cod. Palat. Vindoboneiuis 16, olim Bobbieiuis
(Sitnmssber. d. k. Akad. d. ^nMenach. in Wien, pliil.-liist. Klaaae, Bud dix, 7
AbteO.), and Hauler, ^l^entf Studkn, 1908, Bd. xzx, pp. 808 ff.
' Vol. ix, part 8. Le teitament en Galil^ de Notre Seigneur Jtea-Chrigt.
* Owing to the exodknoe of the international mail, it reached America in the
following year.
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16 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Texte und Untermchungen^ a parallel translation of the Epistola
from Coptic and Ethiopic, with full discussions of all the ques-
tions connected with it, and three remarkable appendices on
'Xerinthus and the Alogi/' the "^Descensus ad Inferos/' and
the "'Celebration of Easter in the Church of Asia Minor/*
To these appendices reference must be made in a later article.
His edition is of first rate importance, worthy of a document
comparable with the Didache or the Odes of Solomon for its
additions to our knowledge of the second century. It must
suffice for the present to give an account of the Epistola itself
and its chief problems, but I cannot refrain from quoting the
dignified and touching conclusion of Schmidt's preface.
Wenn ich zum Schluss meinem Werke noch ein Geleitwort auf den Weg
geben darf, so m()chte ich darauf hinweisen, dass es, wie das Titelblatt seigt,
ein Dokument der angeregten intemationalen Cooperation vor dem V(Slker-
kriege bildet. Ich durfte mich der Mitarbeit des Aegyptologen Pierre Lacau,
des heutigen Generaldirektors der figyptischen Museen, erfreuen und zu ebeiiso
grossem Danke bin ich und die Wissenschaft dem Abb6 Guerrier verpflichtet,
der den ftthiopischen Text aus der Verborgenheit gezogen und dadurch
eine umfassende Untersuchung des lUckenhaft erhaltenen koptischen Teztes
ermOglicht hat. Wahrscheinlich wttre mir diese Publikation entgangen oder
wenigstens zu sp&t in meine Httnde gelangt, wenn nicht Herr Montague
Rhodes James mich in liebenswUrdiger Weise auf einen Artikel von Herm
Guerrier aufmerksam gemacht hiltte. So konnte Herr Dr. Wajnberg aus
Waischau eine emeute Uebersetzung des llthiopischen Teztes vorlegen, und
auf der anderen Seite haben die Wiener Gelehrten Bick und Hauler ein latein-
isches Palimpsestfragment beigesteuert. Niemals h&tte also die vorliegende
Publikation ohne jene tatkrilftige UnterstUtzung dieser auswftrtigen Gelehrten
diejenige Gestalt erhalten, in der ich sie heute der gelehrten Welt vorlegen
kann. Die Fliden, welche uns mit der westeuropllischen Wissenschaft ver-
banden, sind seit fUnf Jahren abgerissen, aber idi kann die Hoffnung nicht
aufgebcoi dass dieses Band doch wieder einmal angeknttpft wird. In dieser
Aussicht wage ich mein Werk der intemationalen Wissenschaft zu Uberreichen
und ihrem Urteile zu unterbreiten."
Guerrier's publication had never attracted much attention;
partly because it was unaccompanied by any introduction in-
dicating its importance, but chiefly because its title was mis-
leading and its contents composite. The title '* Testament of
our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ" implies some connection
' The title is Qe9priloh$ Jew fkU Minen JUngem fiodk dw AufeftUhwug^ «m katiidUthr
apotioUsekei Sendtiiareiben de» iSImi JakrhunderU; but in the body of the book Schmidt
always speaks of the document as the Epistola Apostdorum,
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THE EFISTOIA APOSTOLOBUM 17
with the TiMtomentom Domini of Rahmani; but the opening
diapters dissipate this notion, for they contain merely an
i^KKslypse, important mainly for its delineation of Antichrist.
Guerrier seems to have been ignorant of Schmidt's preliminary
notice in the Berlin SUzungsberiehte. Ftobably only the in«
terest of M. R. James in the Antichrist led him to notice the
book and read it through, and discover that in the middle its
character suddenly changed.
Schmidt has now shown beyond all doubt, that the title
^'Testament of the Lord" was taken from the ordinary book of
that name, which was accidentally associated with the other
document in the Ethiopic copy. He has also shown — what
is self-evident when it is pointed out — that the first eleven
ch^[>ters of Guerrier's document have nothing in common with
the remainder of it, which contains an Epistda Apodolarum
identical with the Coptic document. The Coptic is an incom-
plete manuscript of a better text, while the Ethiopic is a com-
I^ete manuscript of a worse text. Both are based, directly or
indirectly, on a lost Greek original from which the Latin
palimpsest, unfortunately only a small fragment, was also
derived.
The Epistola Apostolorum b^ins by describing how the
apostles determined, in order to confute Simon and Cerinthus,
to write an account of their preaching concerning Jesus Christ.
They therefore proceed to give a short account of their general
doctrine, of which the centre is the Licamation of the Logos,
and summarize it as consisting of five points: the belief in the
Father, in Jesus Christ, in the Holy Spirit, in the Holy Church,
and in the Forgiveness of Sins. Cerinthus and Simon have cor-
rupted this message, apparently by denying the truth of the
death of Christ;- and the apostles therefore emphasize the facts
of the Passion, the Death, and the Resurrection, ending with
the appearance of the risen Lord, and passing into an accoimt
of the special revelation which he made to them in the days
before the Ascension.
This special revelation b^pns with what may perhaps be
called the preliminaries of the Incarnation. It describei the
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18 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
descent of Jesus through the various heavens, attended by the
great Archangels, Michael, Gabriel, Uriel, and Raphael, until
the fifth heaven, and finally he appeared in the form of the
angel Gabriel to the Virgin Mary and so became incarnate.
This is so similar to the Ascension of Isaiah that it seems to me
probable that there is some literary connection between the
two.
There then seems to be a break in the sense; but Schmidt
does not notice it, and it is true that if anything is missing from
the text it must have been lost very early, as there is no differ-
ence between the Ethiopic and the Coptic. The words of
Jesus pass without a break from the account of the Incarnation
to the institution of the Easter Eucharist, which seems to be
r^arded as the perpetuation of the Passover to be commemor-
ated until the Second Advent. But the interpretation of this
passage is difficult. ^^Must we stiU drink the cup of the Pass-
over?" ask the disciples. "Yes,** replies the Lord, "until I
come again." The mention of the Passover suggests an annual
celebration, but the reference to the second coming reminds us
of the Eucharist in Corinthians. Does the Epistola describe
the connection with the Paschal feast of an already instituted
eucharistic meal, or the institution of this meal at the time of
the Passover as a commemoration of the death of Christ?
Schmidt thinks it is the former, and connects it with the Quarto-
deciman question; but even if he is right in this connection
(and I think that he is), the question might well be argued
whether there is not here an indication of an early usage which
had an eucharist once a year. The turning point in the problem
may prove to be the meaning of the word agape^ which in the
Ethiopic seems to be identical with the commemorative feast,
but in the Coptic to be separate from it. Might not Schmidt
have profitably given more attention to BatiffoFs study of the
Agape? Perhaps the time will soon be ripe to reopen this
question.
The disciples then ask questions about the second advent,
and are told that the Lord will return as the rising sun, brighter
by seven times than the sun in his glory; he will be borne on
the clouds of heaven, and the sign of the cross will go before
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THE EPISTOLA APOSTOLORUM 19
him. With him wiU come the martyrs, and he wiU judge the
living and the dead. This will happen between Passover and
Pentecost, a hmidred and twenty years later, or, according to
the Ethiopic, a hundred and fifty years.
The apostles then raise a question of much interest to the
historian of doctrine: Will he who shall come at the Judgment
be the Lord Jesus or he who sent him? The answer of Jesus is
an aflBmiation of the identity of himself with his Father in a
manner strongly reminiscent of the lamentable heresy of Sabel-
lius, but it contains also an obscure reference to the Ogdoad,
if, at least, Schmidt's rendering be correct.* This is an obvious
point of connection with some of the systems of thought loosely
caUed Gnostic — a term which has wrought more confusion of
thought in our time than the systems so described raised con-
troversy in the days of the Fathers. Schmidt argues h^re,
much as he did formerly in his AUe Pelrusakten, that a belief
in ogdoads and dodecads was not necessarily excluded from
<Hthodox thought in the second century. Heresy in that happy
period was found in opinions, not so much on the constitution
of the divine sphere of influence in heaven, as on the relation
between God and the world. To believe that heaven or even
the fulness of divine being was divided into three, seven, eight,
or twelve was not important; what was decisive was the ques-
tion whether creation was due to the good will of a supreme
God who called for the co6peration of his creatures, or to the
incompetence of an inferior one, to escape from whose inade-
quacy was salvation and life.
Jesus then gives the new commandment that ^^they shall
love one another and obey one another in order that peace
may be among them. Love your enemies and what you do not
wish should be done to you, do not so to others." This is to be
the substance of the preaching of the apostles; they are to
teach it to believers and to preach the kingdom of his Father,
and how the Father has given him authority in order to bring
together his children.
- He next promises the disciples a rest, where there is neither
eating nor drinking, lamentation nor trouble, and they wiU
* Hie oBity reason for doubting this is that the manuscrqyt i^ipean to be del ectiye.
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20 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
be companions not of the earthly creation, but of that of the
Father which is incorruptible; as the Christ is ever in his
Father, so will they be ever in him. Moreover this eternal life
relates also to the flesh, for just as the divine Logos became
flesh, so the flesh of himianity will become divine.^ It will be
raised up at the Resurrection in order that it, as well as the
soul, may receive thte due recompense for its deeds. At the
Judgment the Lord will spare neither rich nor poor, and will
treat each according to his deeds, but those who have loved
him wiU be taken into the rest of the Kingdom of Heaven.
There follows a rather diflicult passage. According to the
Ethiopic Jesus says, "^For this cause did I descend and spoke
to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, your fathers, the prophets,
. . . and gave them my right hand, the baptism of life, and
release and forgiveness of all evil.'' This might conceivably
mean that the Logos had been present in Old Testament his-
tory, or it might be a reference to the descent into Hades, with
an obvious resemblance to the Shepherd of Hermas and to the
Acta Filati. The Coptic clearly takes the latter view, as instead
of mentioning the patriarchs by name it says, ""I descended to
the place of Lazarus and preached to the righteous and to the
prophets that they might come forth." Schmidt thinks that
the Coptic is the original text, and this gives him occasion to
devote an excursus to the development of the doctrine of the
descenstLs ad inferos, controverting Bousset's view that the
origin of the doctrine was an ancient popular myth, to which
theological justification was afterwards added.'
When the disciples heard these revelations they said: ^^O
Lord, blessed are we, for we see thee and hear thee . • . but
he answered and said to them, "Blessed rather are they who
have not seen and yet have believed, for they shall be called the
diildren of the Kingdom, and I will be their life in the King-
dom of my Father.'*
' It is mmeoeamy to point out how closely this resembles Irenaeus.
* Bouaset replied in an article which he had passed for press only a few days be-
foie his sudden death on March 15. It is published in the ZeiUokr^t fUr dis tisv-
tui a wmiMB Wi$Mn9ohaft^ July IMO, with a note of a£Pectionate farewell from the
editor, Brwin Preuschen, who has himsdf since then passed away. Rdq[muGamt a
Udtoribm mu ,' opsra sum {Uarum ssginmter iUot.
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THE EPISTOIA APOSTOLORUM 21
The apofltles are then told to go and preach to the twelve
tribes, and to the heathen, and to the whole land of Lsrad
throughout the world. While they are doing this they will
meet a man whose name is Saul, which means Paul. The pas-
sage is so important that I quote it exactly.
And behold, ye shall meet a man whose name is Saul, which means Paul.
He 18 a Jew, drcumdaed aocoiding to the Law. And he shall hear my voice
from heaven with terrot and fright and tremUing. And his eyes shall be
blinded^ and by your hand shall the shadow of the cross fall on his eyes. Do
to him all that I did to you. Pass it on to the others. And at the same time
shall the eyes of that man be opened, and he shall praise the Lord, my Father
in Heaven. He shall gain power with the people and preach and teach. And
many, when they hear him, shall find joy and be saved. And because of this,
men shall be angry and deliver him into the hands of his enemies, and he
diall bear witness before earthly kings, and his end shall be that he acknowl-
edge me, instead of having persecuted me. He shall preach and teach and
abide with the elect, a chosen vessel, and a wall which nothing overthrows.
The least of all shall be for a preacher to the people, perfected through the
will of my Father. As ye have also learned thrbu|^ the Scriptures that your
fathers, the prophets, spoke concerning me, and in me is the prophecy actu-
aDy fulfilled. And he said to us, 'Ye shall be guides to them and tell them
everything that I have told you and that ye wrote about me — that I am the
Word of the Father and that the Father is in me. So shall ye be to that man
as ye ought. Teach him and remind him of the things that are spoken of me
in the Scriptures and have been fulfilled, and he will hereafter lead the people
to salvation.''
And we asked him, "Oh master, is there one and the same hope on earth
for us and for them?" He answered and said to us, "Are the fingers of the
hand like each other, or the ears of com in the fields, or do the fruit trees
bear the same kind of fruit? Does not each fruit grow after its own kind?"
And we said to him, '*0 Lord, wilt thou speak to us again in parables?"
Then said he to us, "Grrieve not; verily I say unto you, ye are my brothers,
my companions in the Kingdom of Heaven with my Father, for so it hath
pleased him. Verily I say unto you, to them also whom ye teach and who
therefcMre believe on me will I send the same hope."
And we asked him again, "When shall we meet that man, and when wilt
thou bring him to thy Father and our God and Lord?" He answered and
said unto us, "That man shall come out of the land of Cilicia near Damascus
in Syria, to root up the churches which it is commanded you to plant. I am
he who speaks through you, and he shall come quickly. And he shall become
strong in that belief, that the word of the prophet may be fulfilled which says,
"Behold, out of Syria will I begin to call together a new Jerusalem, and Sion
wiD I conquer, and it shall be imprisoned, and the place which is childless
shall be caDed the son and daughter of my Father, ana my bride," for so hath
it i^eased him who sent me. But that man will I turn away that he may not
accomplish his wicked purpose, and through him my Father's praise shall be
perfected. But after I go away and tarry with my Father, I will speak to
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22 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
him from heaven, and all the things will take place of which I told you before
in regard to him."
In chapter S4, the apostles ask what will be the signs of
the end of the world, and Jesus replies that he wiU tell them,
what will happen to them and to their converts, and also to the
converts of Paul. What follows, however, is merely a repetition
of the conventional apocalyptic scenery, in which no special
historical facts can be distinguished, and in chapter 41 a new
question is raised. Jesus tells the apostles to go and preach»
and they reply, "O Lord, thou art our Father,** to which he ap-
pears to rejoin that they are all fathers, servants (or possibly
deacons), teachers. The disciples object that Jesus himself
had said, '"Call no one on earth Father or Teacher,'' but
Jesus explains that as soon as they make converts they really
become fathers or teachers. Seeing that the Epistola appears
to be directed against Cerinthus, it is interesting to notice that
according to one tradition, though not the earliest, Cerinthus
quoted this verse as an argument against Pauline Christianity.*
Schmidt believes that the ""Judaist" Cerinthus is a figment;
but this is one of the points where the questions which he raises
call for further study.
Jesus then summarizes his teaching by a new interpretation
of the parable of the Wise and Foolish Virgins. The five wise
are Faith, Love, Joy, Peace and Hope. These are the guides of
believers, but the foolish virgins are Understanding, Knowledge,
Obedience, Patience, and Pity. These virtues have slumbered
among those who have believed on the Lord but not practised
his commandments. The interpretation is not wholly logical,
but only those who have never interpreted a parable will find
both reason and right to throw stones at it on this ground.
' Kai ro^nrr ftofiivpUt^ ^kpouvuf iar^ rav cAarycXtov xdXiv XtyoifTes &ti iipKer^ r$
/loAfrS Ua ybnp-ai «bs 6 StBA^KoXos, ri idfP\ ^tftrl, v^puriKlfiti 6 'Iif^oDf , xc^r^^^i ««^
oJbrM. Xptffrdt Kardi p6tioi^f 4v^^t hro>uT€0ffaTO, koX oMs rii taa xobiaop, Mcr xal rwts
Ik to^tm' «^ ihrd hjhrnipUM^ ^^ofiwaxfibfTtt rMun'tu rats TiBofokoyUus Ml t6 Td»
XsHirr6p wtptTerftijaSai, Epiph. zxviii, 5, I f. Cf. also Mncawn H xdXty TtpvnijApf
IXMH-fff . . . ical h^ra dx' a^roC roO Xpc^roO Hpf vhvrafftM raimifs jSo^Xorroi ^ifitiM, c&f
Kol ol wtfil Ki^pa>Aw. ^otf'i yiifi koI o9roi card rdF iiuUwp XiifMff Xdyor, d/Mcvrdi' rf
/loAfrg cbwt «^ d dcddo-icaXot. rtpurtt^dfi, 4^^^ ^ "KptffT^f koI <rd v^pcTM^^Qn. Epiph.
XXX. 26, X f.
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THE EPISTOIA APOSTOLORUM 23
After a little more exhortation, the document ends as
follows:
When he had said this and had finished his discourse with us, he said to
us again* ''Lo, on the third day and in the third hour wiU he come who sent
me, that I may d^Murt with him." And while he thus spoke, there was thunder
and lightning and an earthquake, and the heaven opened and there appeared
a doud which took him up. And there was heard the voice of many angels
rejoicing and giving praise and saying, ''Gather us together, O Priest, to the
li^t of ^ory." And as he reached the sky, we heard his voice, "Go in
peace."
The translation ci the Ethiopia and Coptic with full critical
notes take up ISO pages of Schmidt's book; to this he has added
another 600 pages of comment. Many of these pages raise con-
troversial points, and naturally di£Ference of opinion will be
wide spread, but no one is likely to think that Schmidt has
written too much. On the contrary, there are many places
where the reader would be glad to have had further comment.
His principal discussion covers the usual introduction to the
problems* divided into eleven sections, of which the last deals
with the place and time of the Epistola; and the reader who
has had some experience of German Wis&emchaft will prefer
to read this first, for among its many virtues, German Wissen"
sdurfl has never quite learned what the French know so well,
that the order of presentation usually reverses the order of
research. The result is that with almost every book of this
kind it is necessary to read it twice if one has followed the order
of the writer. The whole is, in point of fact, a closely connected
alignment which cannot fuUy be followed until we know what
the writer believes that he can prove. In the light of this
knowledge everything becomes dear, but it is not revealed
until the end of this treatise. It may be submitted that even
in dealing with an apocalyi>se this economy of revelation is
undesirable.
The position which Schmidt reaches is that the Epistola does
not come originaUy from Egypt but from Asia Minor, and that
it belongs to the second century. These two points are not, I
think, equally certain. The date is more certain than the local-
ity. The main point which bears on the date is, of course, the
statement that the second advent will take place in the year
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24 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
120 after Christ, which from the context seems to mean 120
years after the Besmrection. This is the date given by the
Coptic; the Ethiopic puts 150 instead of 120, which seems to
be an attempt to give the date in terms of a chronology begin-
ning from the birth of Christ, but even if the Ethiopic be the
correct text, a document, belonging to the year 180 in our
reckoning is a sufficiently valuable discovery. In general
there can be little doubt but that before 180 is the latest date
to which the Epistola can be referred, and before 150 seems to
me more probable.^®
So far as locality is concerned the argument is less convinc-
ing, though it is, I think, possibly correct. The points which
stand out as really remarkable are the reference to Cerinthus
and the curious list of the apostles.
Schmidt has a long excursus on Cerinthus and the Alogi,
in which he controverts Edward Schwartz, who in 1014 had
argued that the tradition of Irenaeus linking Cerinthus with
Ephesus was quite untrustworthy.^^* Schmidt endeavors to
refute Schwartz and re-establish the old tradition, incidentally
dealing at length with the question of the Alogi. In this he
may be right, and it is perhaps more probable that Cerinthus
belongs at Ephesus than elsewhere, but the whole question
may well be re-opened. Whether, however, he is right in think-
ing that Cerinthus cannot have been a Judaist is more doubt-
ful, and the whole question is still fuU of difficulties. Was it
impossible for a man to be a Judaizer and a Docetist at the
same time? Before this question can be answered we shall be
brought back once more to the problem whether Ignatius in
his epistles was attacking one party or two.
The connection of Cerinthus with Ephesus and of the
Epistola with Cerinthus is the main argument which Schmidt
brings forward, but he also attaches great weight to the fact
that the Epistola commands the celebration of the Passover
in commemoration of the death of Christ, and connects this
with the Quartodedmans of Asia.
^® Can Papiaa have been fcferring to the Epiatok when he eipressed his famous
pfcfetence for oral tradition to that which wiui written?
"» ZeitKJifift fllr die nentestamentlidie Wiasenadiaft. 1914^ pp. 210 ff.
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THE EPISTOIA APpSTOLORUM 25
AD these arguments are weighty so far as they go. They are
oonyinciiig evidence that Ephesus is a possible place. The
main reason why I hesitate to go all the way is the curious list
of the apostles. The list is as follows: ^'We, John» Thomas,
Peter, Andrew, James, Philip, Bartholomew, Matthew, Nath-
anad, Judas Zelotes, and Cephas." There is extant another
list which has many of the same characteristics, that is to say
it begins with John, and includes Cephas as well as Peter,
found in the Apostolic Church Orders, conmionly called KO,^^
{K%reken'Ordnung)y a book which almost certainly belongs to
Egypt and the third century. Schmidt thinks that the KO
borrowed the list from the Epistola and that this is based on a
scrutiny of the Fourth Gospel. He thinks that the variation
of order between the two is irrelevant. To this I cannot agree:
the diflPerence seems to me to show that the two lists are inde-
pendent, though belonging to the same tradition, and one dif-
ferent from that of the Synoptic Gospels. Moreover Schmidt
takes too little notice of the fact that Clement of Alexandria
also r^fards Cq>has as distinct from Peter, though he places
him among the Seventy and not among the Twelve. Thus
Gement, the Epistola, and the KO agree in believing that there
was a Cephas other than Peter. John 1, 4S alone distinctly
says that Cephas is a name which was given to Simon and that
it means "" Peter,'' and that Simon, Cephas, and Peter are only
three names for one person.^'
Does this really point to Egypt or Ephesus as the home
of the Epistola? Obviously, I think, to Egypt. If the writer
had been basing his list wholly on the Fourth Gospel would he
have disregarded John 1, 48? Moreover, is such disr^[ard
probable in Ephesus of all places? Therefore it becomes more
important to consider Schmidt's view that Cerinthus had only
a local importance. This seems to me very doubtful as the
amount of space devoted to him by Epiphanius and the other
later writers is not consistent with a merely local reputation.
The whole question requires careful investigation. Schmidt
u Hie list in KO nmi m foDows: John, Matthew, Peter, Andrew, Philip, Simon,
Nathanael, Hiomai, Cephas, Bartholomew.
» See the Note, **SimoD, Cephas^ Peter," bdow, p. 05.
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26 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
may well be right in thinking that Hippolytus introduced the
reference to Egypt in his account of Cerinthus, and that Har-
vey " was wrong to emend the text of Irenaeus; but is it
so certain that the Egyptian tradition of Hippolytus was
pure invention? If there be any foundation for Hippolytus'
statement, Schmidt's argument would be greatly reduced in
importance.
Schmidt thinks that the writer of the Epistola was acquainted
with the canonical New Testament at least so far as the Four
Gospels, the Acts, and the Pauline EpisUes are concerned,
and he rejects the use of any uncanonical source. In general
the smallest resemblance satisfies him that a canonical book is
used and the greatest difference is insufficient to persuade him
that an uncanonical gospel was before the writer of the Epis-
tola. Nevertheless it is indisputable that the writer lived in an
uncanonical atmosphere. The majority of his quotations from
the Prophets are agrapha, and the clearest reference to a "child-
hood" narrative is found only in apocryphal gospels.^^
No doubt it is true that there has sometimes been a tend-
ency to invent unecessary "'ausserkanonische" sources, but
Schmidt seems to fall over backwards in his fear of this tend-
ency. His main point is that the events mentioned are found
in the canonical Gospels and Acts, though with considerable
variation: why should not the writer of the Epistola have him-
self introduced the variation? The answer is that the Epistola
is fictitious, but not fraudulent. In its references to history it
is not attempting to give new and unheard of versions of facts,
but to corroborate true teaching — which really represented
the mind of the Apostles — by relating the prophecy by Jesus
of facts which the readers would recognize as having really
taken place. Therefore the description of history in the
Epistola is not likely to represent variation due to the writer,
^ Irenaeiu says El Cerinihut autem quidam in Ana . . . doeuU, but Hippolytus,
who is otherwise obviously copying Irenaeus, says KitpwOos 6i ris abrds AiyvrrUu^
TtuM^, kvtafids IXeyer «. r. X. Hanrey therefore proposed to emend in Ana to ti»
A^nfpfo, and treats Cerinthus as an Egyptian.
^ In thacpUr 4 the Epistola obviously refers to the Gospel of Thomas, or one of
the cognate gospels, in the course of the discussion between Jesus and a Rabbi as to
the meaning of Alpha and Beta.
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THE EPISTOIA APOSTOLORUM 27
but rather to be the form of tradition followed by the church
in which he lived.
The most obvious instances of this are the possible references
to Acts in the Epistola. There are two of importance. In
chapters 7-8 there is the following account of the release of
one of the disciples from prison: '^ After my home-going to
the Father, remember my death. When the Passover comes
round, one of you will have been thrown into prison for my
name's sake, and will be in sorrow and distress because ye
celebrate the Passover while he is in prison and far from you;
then will he grieve because he does not celebrate the Passover
with you. But I will send my power in the form of the angel
Gabriel, and it will open the gates of the prison. He shall go
out and come to you, and shall keep the vigil with you and
stay with you until the cock crows. But when ye have finished
the memorial which takes place in remembrance of me, and
the agape, he shall be thrown into prison again as a witness
until he shall come out from there and preach what I have
commanded you."
Schmidt thinks that this is a reference to the release of Peter
from prison in Acts 12. Possibly this may be the ultimate
source. But after all, in Acts Peter (who is not mentioned in
this section of the Epistola) stays out of prison when he is re-
leased, and there is no mention of an Agape or Passover in the
house to which he went. In the Epistola the important thing
is that an unnamed apostle is let out of prison by Gabriel in
order to eat the Passover with the rest of the Twelve, and is
taken back at cock-crow to his cell. It is not quite clearly
stated that Gabriel takes him back to prison, but it seems to
be implied.
Equally difficult to reconcile with the direct use of the Acts
of the Apostles is the account of the conversion of Paul. This
has been quoted already. Is it possible that an account so
greatly modified could have been put forward as a prophecy
of which the account in Acts was to be regarded as the fulfil-
maoit, and is it likely that the man who wrote it was acquainted
with the Epistle to the Galatians?
The general characteristics of the Epistola are admirably
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28 HARVAKD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
brought out by Schmidt in his paragraphs on the Christology
and other doctrinal points of the document. The supreme (xod
remains, as it were, always in the background, and Jesus is the
incarnate Logos, the second God of the Apologists, who is the
divine centre of the Church, the Lord of the Christians, to
whom he offers eternal life in the Kingdom of God. There is a
noticeable absence of any importance attached to the death of
Jesus, and the only value of the Death and Passion is to prove
the true humanity obtained by the Incarnation. This is un-
doubtedly the Christology and Soteriology of the Apologists,
and belongs to the same category as the Fourth Gospel, which
it also resembles in anti-Docetic tendency.
There is, however, one point of great importance scarcely
touched on by Schmidt: — the bearing of the Epistola on the
position of Pauline Christianity. His omission to treat this
question fully is the more remarkable in view of his selection
of Ephesus as the home of the Epistola, and the problem can
best be stated on the assumption that Schmidt is right on this
point; it is only somewhat less striking if he be wrong.
One of the most certain facts in early Christian history is
that Paul preached for a long time at Ephesus. Equally cer-
tain is the fact that he had many opponents. And a little later
on, when we get the beginning of Ephesian tradition, the cen-
tral figure is not Paul but John. Whether this John was the
son of Zebedee or not is entirely unimportant compared with
the fact that he, not Paul, is the centre of Ephesian tradition.
With him are linked up the Fourth Gospel and the Johannine
Epistles. The problem is, did this Johannine Christianity grow
out of Pauline preaching or was it an independent grovrth?
The general history of early Christianity tends to show that,
though Baur exaggerated his application of the Hegelian form-
ula, it is true that in several instances struggle was succeeded
by reconciliation, and that much of the existing canonical
literature belongs to the period of reconciliation which told the
story of the past not as it really was, but as it was felt that it
ought to have been. If this were so at Ephesus we should ex-
pect to find that after a period of struggle between Pauline and
Johannine Christianity terms of peace were unconsciously ar-
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THE EPISTOLA APOSTOLORUM 29
ranged and are reflected in the pseudepigraphical literature of
the nert generation. On this hypothesis the Epistola is easily
intelligible: it belongs to a party which is Johannine, not Pau-
line, but no longer wishes to defeat the Pauline party which it
recognizes as its complement. To do this it emphasises the
truth of the story, which Paul himself had so indignantly de-
nied, that his commission came from Jerusalem. The Johan-
nine tradition claims to represent the Twelve, but John, and
not Peter, is their head. These Christians recognize that Paul
had done good work, and accept, as it were, the validity of his
converts, but they are not Pauline, and their greatest conces-
sion is that the church of the Twelve and that of Paul are
united as the fingers on one hand.
It is greatly to be desired that as many students of early
Christian literature as possible should study the Epistola.
Their results will probably be instructively diverse, but they
will agree in gratitude to Schmidt for his admirable presenta-
tion of the text and learned discussion of its problems.
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so HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
CHURCH AND RELIGION IN GERMANY
RICHARD LEMPP*
Stuttgart
The editors of the Harvard Theological Review have asked me
for an article on '*the state of religion in Germany as affected
by the war, and its outlook in the period of reconstruction upon
which — we may hope — the world is now entering/* With
some hesitation I comply with their request; but I must beg
my readers to allow me first a word of very frank introduction.
Americans can have little idea of the terrible sufferings of my
country, or of the hopelessness of the future which the peace
of Versailles has set before us; nor can they easily imagine the
mood of a nation which, after gigantic achievements and the
most heroic endurance, has at last been broken in body and
spirit by the force of hunger that its enemies saw fit to employ
* Dr. Richard Lempp was a student in the Harvard Divinity School in
190I8-19O9, and received its degree (S.TJB.) in the latter year. In the Sum-
mer School of Theology in 1909 he gave two lectures on Religbus Conditions
in Germany which were subsequently published in this Review (vol. iii,
pp. 85-124). After his return to Germany he was for two years a tutor
{Repetent) in the theological college (Siift) in Tubingen, where he had com-
pleted his studies before coming to Harvard, and took the degree of Doctor
of Philosophy in that University in 1913, with a dissertation — significantly
enough — on the Question of the Separation of Church and State at the
Frankfort Parliament in 1848. In 1912 he became pastor at Craibheim in
Wt£rttemberg, and from 1914 to 1918 was chaplain in the 26th Reserve Divi-
sion of the German Army in France and Belgium, being recalled in the latter
year to be court preacher to the king of Wttrttemberg and teacher in the
newly-founded graduate seminary for iveachers in Stuttgart. The revolu-
tion and the abdication of the kixig deprived him of this post, and since early
in 1919 he has been connected with the Evangelischer Volksbund flir WUrt-
temberg, of which he is secretary. This association, now numbering 165,000
members, has for its objects a closer affiliation among the adherents of the
Evangelical churches; the development of greater and more independent
congregational activity m the churches, especially among the laity; the
promotion of Christian knowledge and of loyalty to the church; and the
maintenance of Christian principles and the inter^ts of the church in public
life.
His studies and experience have thus peculiarly fitted him to deal with the
subject which, at the request of the editors of the Review, he had undertaken
in the present article.
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CHURCH AND RELIGION IN GERMANY 81
as an instrument of war. If , after the slaughter of the innocents,
the representatives of Herod had inquired of the good people
of Bethlehem concerning the outlook for religion in the period
of reconstruction then beginning, they would hardly have
elicited a dispassionate reply. And we, who have witnessed
the starvation, not of a hundred, but of hundreds of thousands
of our children, are naturally in no very scientific frame of
mind. Irrespective of the source of the inquiry, we are not
just now in a mood for the calm investigation and exposition
of our domestic situation. He that is sick almost unto death
may indeed seek help and healing, but he is in no condition to
compose a treatise on the nature of his malady and the outlook
for his recovery. Since, however, I am personally acquainted
with the editors of the Review and am convinced that their
request originated in the sincerest sympathy, I have decided to
attempt the task. Possibly I may be contributing to a genuine
understanding of our internal situation; and mutual under-
standing is, after all, the indispensable prerequisite of any
reconstruction.
The reader may recall my article on "" Present Religious
Conditions in Germany,'' published in this Review in January
1010. The questions there raised were: Could the German
church, which down to the eighteenth century had been the
chief promoter and embodiment of culture, endure, in the face
of a culture which had become independent of it; or was that
independent cultiu^ destined to destroy it; and in the latter
event, what would be the fate of religion in Germany? The
article consisted of two parts, the first giving an account of the
actual condition of the German churches; the second discus-
sing the two principal groups whose attitude toward the
churches was either indi£Ferent or actually hostile, wage-
earners and people of education, or socialism on the one hand,
and culture on the other. The present article likewise will be
divided into two parts. The first will describe the state of the
churches and institutional religion in Germany as the result
of war and revolution. The second will concern itself with the
temper of those who stand aloof, and their relation to religion
and the churches.
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82 HABVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
For the Grerman churches the revolution of November 11»
1018, was of profound significance, for one of the immediate
consequences of that revolution was the separation of church
and state. Up to that time the German churches were estab-
lished national churches. This was true of all but the small
free churches, the so-called *' sects," which had come over from
England and America, and constituted only one third of one
per cent of the population of Germany. In principle every
German was by birth a member of either the Protestant or the
Catholic established church of his state, although he had the
right to withdraw from such membership if he chose. Each of
the twenty-six German states had a Protestant and a Catholic
established church. In Prussia, the provinces annexed in
1866 retained their own independent establishments. The
states paid a large part of the expenses of the churches, pro-
tected their cults, and saw to it that all school-children between
six and eighteen years of age were taught the Protestant or
Catholic religion. In some states the elementary schools were
under the immediate supervision of the pastors and the churches
controlled all elementary instruction. In the case of the Pro-
testant churches the connection with the states was especially
intimate, since they were governed by consistories appointed
by the state, Luther having transferred the office of the bishop
to the sovereign. The sovereigns appointed many of the pas-
tors, as well as all professors in the theological faculties. The
states, not the churches, controlled the education of the min-
istry. In time of war the government supplied both Protestant
and Catholic chaplains to ail divisions. Just as it cared for the
soldier's health by means of hospitals and surgeons, and for
his bodily needs by means of the commissariat, so it furnished
chaplains for his spiritual welfare.
All this was entirely in accord with the character of the Ger-
man state as it had been developed through the centuries: the
state not merely the guardian of law and order and of the free
development of the individual, but the promoter of all culture
— education, health, science, art, industry, banking, etc. Nor
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CHURCH AND RELIGION IN GERMANY SS
did it seem proper that the state should leave to individual
enterprise the nation's most important interest. On the con-
trary, many, at least among the Protestants, still clung to the
idea of Hegel and his theological disciple Richard Rothe (died
1867) that religious institutions should gradually be absorbed
in the state as the representative of all culture, the promoter
of the spiritual as well as physical welfare of its citizens.
To the church this intimate connection of church and state
was acceptable so long as the rulers of the several states were
professing Christians. The Hohenzollems in particular were
devoted to the church, but the other rulers also governed the
church with no less solicitude and diligence than they did the
state. Many Protestants, moreover, were of the opinion that
the separation of church and state would be followed by a
breach between conservatives and liberals, with the eventual
weakening of the whole church. And they recognized that as
a consequence of its relation to the state, the church reached
not only those who were Christians at heart, but also, through
the religious instruction in the schools and the nominal church-
membership of the entire population, the irreligious as well.
The missionary task of the church was rendered very much
easier.
When the revolution broke out, it was manifest that the
age-long connection between church and state was at an end.
The chief objection to this connection had always come from
the great mass of socialist wage-earners, who denounced the
state as the patron of capital and militarism, and extended
their antagonism to the state-supported churches. The
church was in their eyes merely a means by which the state
kept the masses in ignorance and contentment. The socialists,
therefore, had always emphatically demanded the separation
of church and state. In the Socialist Programme of Erfurt,
1891, they declared their principle: *' Religion is a private
affair." And when, by the revolution, these same masses took
the government into their hands, the separation became inevi-
table. Now, however, the socialists were no longer alone in
their attitude; those who formerly opposed the separation
joined them in welcoming it. For the revolutionary states had
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34 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
ceased to be governed by Christian rulers. They had, in fact,
ceased to represent the idealistic Christian German culture of
the past. Iq these states parliamentary majorities were the
only sovereigns. And since in Germany friends and enemies of
the church are about equally divided, it might come to pass
that the majority in parliament, and hence the government for
the time being, would be unfriendly to the church, and thus the
close connection of church and state prove an actual source of
danger to the cause of religion. Of the new states, therefore,
no one asked or expected cooperation with the churches, but
only strict neutrality towards every religion and every school
of thought.
In the first period after the revolution, at any rate, the friends
of the church were glad to secure strict neutrality. For it
looked as if the new states would not be content merely to
withdraw their patronage from the church, but would proceed,
as in France, to antagonize it and do their utmost to destroy
its influence. In all German states, the ministry of public
worship and education, which before the revolution had diarge
of the churches, now came into the hands of men who belonged
to no church; in many states, into the hands of pronounced
enemies of the church, especially of radically-minded teachers.
In the most important state, Prussia, the ""Kultusminister"
was the well-known Adolf Hoffmann, a Berlin bookseller who
for years had opposed both religion and the churches with
malice and contempt, and had directed the movement for
popular secession en masse. He began by prohibiting prayer
in the Prussian schools and proclaiming the abolition of all
religious instruction. In other states attempts were made to
abolish religious instruction without special legislation; so in
Saxony, Gotha, Brunswick, and Hamburg. The union of Ger-
man teachers made similar demands. Yet most of these people
were by no means willing to give up altogether the principle of
a positive moral education in the public schools — as in the
United States; and it was to be feared that, whereas the old
states had consciously cultivated Christian character through
their schook and their codperation with the churches, the new
states, by introducing the study of morality and similar sub-
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CHURCH AND RELIGION IN GERMANY 35
jects into the schools, would foster a positively irreligious
traaning, partly upon an idealistic, but to a great extent also
upon a materialistic basis.
In this situation, many people in Germany w^^ surprised
to see the energy and strength exhibited by the churches.
That the Catholic church would enter the contest and prevent
any injustice through the instrumentality of its powerful
organization, the Centre party, was apparent to every judicious
person. The radical politicians, with all their theoretical
utqpias, showed themselves lamentably ignorant of history
when they failed to foresee that outcome. The Catholics west
of the Rhine, in territory under the occupation of the Entente,
actually threatened to secede from the Prussian Republic if the
irreligious radicals continued to dominate its government. The
Protestant churches likewise, though suddenly bereft of their
princely leaders, disproved in the most striking manner the old
assertion of the radicals, that without the protection of the
states and their rulers the churches would forthwith perish.
Hundreds of thousands rose and protested against violence
being done to the churches. In northern Germany alone
seven million Protestants signed a protest against the aboli-
tion of religious instruction in the schools. Free Protestant
organizations were speedily formed throughout the country —
not without immense difficulty, since the oppressive conditions
of the armistice had crippled all railway traffic and even the
postal service. The various political parties were interrogated
as to their attitude on the subject of the church and religious
instruction. In the elections of January, 1919, the radical
parties lost many votes, especially among women voters, be-
cause they were suspected of designs unfriendly to the church.
In the empire as a whole, as well as in Prussia and most of the
other individual states, the first parliaments elected to frame
a constitution had no socialistic majority. The national as
well as the state governments were forced to admit men
of the democratic and of the clerical (Centre) party as secre-
taries of state; and a l^al separation of church and state
distinctly hostile to the church, as in France, was effectually
prevented.
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36 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
The American system of separation, which makes the
churches mere private associations, and which the Moderate
Socialists desired to bring into effect, in accordance with their
principle, "Religion is a private affair," was rejected by Catho-
lics as well as Protestants, and therefore by the non-socialist
parties. Few supporters of the church could bring themselves
to accept a system which would have put the churches on a
level with the sects. Rather it was universally demanded that
the church, although now independent of the state, remain
"Volkskirche," a national church which in principle includes
all the people, although withdrawal from it should continue
optional with the individual; that the churches should not
become private associations, but should be pubHc corpora-
tions * independent of the state; that the Protestant and
Catholic religions be taught in the pubEc schools by ministers
and teachers; and that the churches should meet their financial
requirements by levying income-taxes. It was agreed that
direct financial support by the states be discontinued; but,
since the states had in former times confiscated lands and
funds belonging to the churches, in most of the states a fixed
annuity was agreed upon as compensation for such property, or
else an equitable adjustment, impossible at the moment on
account of the fluctuating value of money, was promised. As
in the past, so in the future, the individual states will eventu-
ally regulate their own relations to the churches; but the
National Constitution, in Articles 135-150, laid down the
general principles which are to govern such regulations. The
following are the most important provisions:
Abt. 136. Civil and political rights and duties shall be in no way affected
by the exercise of the privilege of religious freedom.
No person shall be required to disclose his religious opinions.
Art. 137. There shall be no state church.
• Freedom of association in religious societies shall be maintained. Con-
federation of religious societies within the £mpire shall not be subject to
limitation.
Within the bounds of the common law, every religious society shall regu-
ate and administer its own affairs as it may see fit. It shall appoint its own
officials, without the participation of the state or the municipality.
> "KOiperschaften des Offentlichen Rechts."
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CHURCH AND RELIGION IN GERMANY 37
Religious societies may acquire legal status by complying with the general
provisions of the civil law.
Those religious societies which have heretofore been recognized by law
as public corporations, shall continue to enjoy that privil^e. Other religious
societies shall, on their application, be granted the same rights, provided their
organisation and membership give assurance of their permanence.
Religious societies which are recognized as public corporations shall have
power to levy taxes, on the basb of the civil tax-lists, in such amounts as the
state law may determine.
Abt. 138. The state legislatures shall provide for the commutation of
all existing state support of religious societies, whether it be based on statute,
contract, or other legal title. The principles governing such commutation
shall be determined by the national government.
Abt. 144. All schools shall be subject to the supervision of the state.
Abt. 146. Admission to any public school shall be determined by the
child's ability and aptitude, not by the economic and social position or the
religious affiliation of its parents.
Nevertheless, upon the application of parents or guardians, elementary
schools of a particular faith or way of thinking may be established in indi-
vidual commimities, provided such establishment be not prejudicial to the
weJl-ordered conduct of the schools, and with due regard also to the pro-
visions of the first section of this article. The utmost possible consideration
shall be given to the wishes of parents or guardians.
Abt. 147. Private elementary schools shall be permitted only in case a
minority of parents or guardians, whose wishes must be considered (in ac-
cordance with Art. 146, sect. 2), have not been provided by the conmiunity
with a public elementary school of their own faith or way of thinking.
Abt. 149. Religious instruction shall be part of the regular course in all
schods except such as are professedly non-religious or secular. Such in-
struction, whOe subject to the supervision of the state, shall be in conformity
with the essential tenets of the religious society concerned.
The offering of religious instruction and the conduct of religious exercises
shall be optional with the individual teacher. Attendance on such instruc-
tion shall be at the option of the person controlling the child's religious
education.
The theological faculties of the universities shall be maintained.
Every one will recognize the inherent difficulties in the above
provisions, especially those relating to the schools, which were
necessarily the result of compromise between the totally op-
posed ideas of socialists and clericals. Religious instruction a
"r^ular" branch — but * 'optional " for both teacher and pupil.
"According to the tenets of the religious societies" — but
"under the supervision of the state." Schools not separated
according to creed — but, on the motion of a certain number
of parents, Protestant or Catholic schools must be established.
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38 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
In view of the fatal cleavage in German culture' there was but
one logical alternative: either to make the schook mere organs
of instruction, rather than of an education influencing both
mind and character; or else» since that policy is generally re-
jected by German teachers, to give up the idea of a uniform
system of public education, and supply separate schook for
Protestants, Catholics, and unbelievers. Naturally the teachers
are far from satisfied with this result of a revolution which many
of them greeted as the opening of an era of great paedagogical
reforms. But they themselves are partly to blame for the dis-
appointing outcome, since, by agitating at first for schools
without religious instruction, and then for religious instruction
independent of the churches, they caused religious people to
distrust the spirit of the new state and the training to be
furnished by its schools.
On the whole the churches may be well satisfied with the
constitution. In some states, to be sure, where the radical
parties are in the majority, the constitution will be interpreted
in a manner as unfriendly to the churches as possible. But if
the general condition of the country remains at all orderly, and
Bolshevism does not get the upper hand, all the German gov-
ernments will proceed very cautiously with the separation of
church and state, and will avoid every appearance of injustice
to the churches. In the past two years they have learned that
nothing serves to strengthen counter-revolution so much as
injustice of that sort. Moreover, the elections of the summer of
1920 have returned a majority friendly to the church in the
national as well as in many state parliaments. In view, how-
ever, of the fluctuating value of money, the immense debt of
the nation — the whole desperate situation, in which there
seems no prospect of escape from starvation and economic
ruin — the definite solution of these problems, especially those
relating to financial support and school reform, will probably
be delayed for a considerable time.
Americans may think it strange that, since the Grerman
nation undertakes the separation of church and state at all,
it should content itself with half-way measures. Yet th^^ can
* See my fonner article, page 104.
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CHURCH AND RELIGION IN GERMANY 39
be no question that that is in fact what German conditions
d^nand. Here, where we have, not many denominations, but
only two great churches, which have been connected with the
several states for centuries, and have rendered them immeasur-
able moral and spiritual service; where the government has
always promoted and regulated all the agencies of culture;
where private initiative is less developed than is reliance on the
government — here complete separation of church and state,
with the churches transformed into mere private associations,
would be a revolutionary step, equally detrimental to church
and state. I may add, in this connection, that if our enemies
should adopt a more reasonable attitude, and moderate their
oppresive terms so that we may live, the churches in their new
relation to the states may still be of invaluable service to the
nation; whereas, if the present unreasonable attitude persists,
chaos will c^-tainly result, in which, as in Russia, the churches
also will be engulfed. In that event, the moral as well as the
material ruin of Germany will be sealed.
As the German churches proved stronger externally than
either enemies or friends had believed, so also internally.
During the war the churches had eaposed themselves to much
criticism and condemnation. Many who were tired of war
and the suffering it entailed blamed the churches for encourag-
ing the people to persevere to the point of victory. Only a few
of the clergy sided with the pacifists. Most of them, taking
into acooimt the state of mind of our enemies, saw no chance
of arriving at a mutual understanding. But many people were
finally convinced of the soundness of that judgment only by
the terms of the armistice and the peace of Versailles. The
result was great dissatisfaction with the churches, which, in-
stead of promoting peace, fanned the flames of war and blessed
its weapons. On the other hand, to thousands the church be-
came their truest friend and comforter in the great distress. At
the outbreak of the war, the masses flocked to the churches as
never before. It is true that the great hopes which were en-
tertained of a revival of religion because of the war quickly
vanished; the longer the war lasted, the more the life of the
diurch tended to return to normal. Indeed, war showed its
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40 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
usual effects in the impairment of morality and good custom.
Nevertheless, the church reared itself a monument in thousands
of hearts by its great work of help and comfort for the wounded,
by its material and spiritual assistance of the lonely and the
suffering, by its letters, bibles, and religious tracts sent to
soldiers and prisoners of war. And when the sad end of the
war was followed by the revolution, those who saw in it, not
the dawn of a new time, but the ruin of all they had cherished,
turned again to the churches in great numbers, the middle-
classes in particular, who had always been very friendly.
Spiritually, then, as well as externally, the churches remain a
living power. Only the peasants, formerly their most loyal
adherents, have in part become disaffected. For them the war
involved a great spiritual crisis. On the one hand, they have
become rich as never before, and mammonism has, in the case
of some, destroyed their interest in spiritual things; on the
other, in the great changes wrought by the war, many good
old customs have been abandoned, and the mingling of peasant
soldiers with men of other vocations has had unfortunate re-
sults. Then too, the state regulation of business has embittered
the peasants and set them against all agencies of public order.
Hence in many localities, and especially among those who took
part in the war, the church and religion have suffered serious
losses. But in general the peasants have remained loyal to the
churches.
One element in the situation is especially gratifying. Most
people were of the opinion that a split between conservatives
and liberals within the Protestant church was inevitable when
once the state ceased to hold them together. This opinion has
proved mistaken. To be sure, some of the conservatives, when
the new church was being organized, did insist that a rigid
creed was the most important requisite; that the state and the
consistories appointed by it had wrongfully tolerated "unbe-
lievers" (i.e. adherents of modem theology) as ministers; and
that the situation must be cleared. That view, however, was
opposed not only by the liberals, but also by many conserva-
tives, as well as some pietists. Professors Schmitz and Heim
at Milnster, and another leader of the pietists, Michaelis, main-
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CHURCH AND RELIGION IN GERMANY 41
tained that so long as the orthodox were allowed freedom to
work, they ought not to leave or divide the church, which as
a united ""Volkskirche" offers unrivalled opportunities for
spreading the gospel among the masses. Up to the present,
therefore, the unity of the old church has been preserved in
all the states, and the great evil which most people apprehended
in the event of the separation of chtirch and state has been
avoided. Special credit is due the liberals, who, in this time
of distress as already during the war, refrained from every form
of propaganda in behalf of their own views, worked solely for
the ''Volkskirche," and occupied the front rank in the fight
against irreligion and the enemies of Christianity.
A very difficult task was the adoption of new constitutions
for the churches. By the abdication of the sovereigns, the
state churches had at one stroke been deprived of their heads,
and the church authorities (consistorie^) were without l^al
standing. Nor did the general synods, which supplemented
the consistories in the work of church-govenmient, seem suffici-
ently representative of the membership of the church, since
they had not been elected directly by the members, but the
district synods had sent delegates to the provincial synods, and
these in turn had sent their delegates to the general synods.
Now that the state gave a vote to every man and woman of
twenty, and sovereign national assemblies were engaged in
drafting state constitutions on the basis of such universal suf-
frage, the existing synods seemed hardly qualified to determine
the new constitution of the churches. In southern Germany,
in Wtirttemberg and Baden, the church authorities quickly hit
upon the proper course. The existing synods ordered elections
for constituent synods on the basis of universal direct suffrage;
and those constituent synods in turn framed the constitutions
of the churches. By these the entire legislative power was left
in the hands of the newly-elected synods, while the adminis-
trative power was intrusted to church-presidents chosen by the
synods and consistories nominated by the church-presidents.
In Prussia, however, serious difficulties arose. The old general
synod flatly refused to summon a constituent synod to be
elected by universal suffrage. It cannot be denied that in a
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42 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
"" Volkskirche/' of which even the enemies of religion are nomi-
nal members, universal suffrage is of doubtful value; if the
socialist masses exercised their right to vote» the church in
some states might come entirely into their hands, that is, into
the hands of materialists and unbelievers. But while for this
reason the synods of the northern states, notably that of Fkrus-
sia, refused to yield to the democratic tendencies of the time,
the new Prussian government, which, so long as the separation
was not consummated, continued to hold supreme power in the
church, insisted that the general synod grant universal suffrage
for the election of a constituent synod. This conflict, which
created much excitement in Prussia, has thus far prevented the
assembling of a constituent synod in the leading German state,
although the government and the synod have recently agreed
upon a compromise.
On the whole, in Prussia as in the other states, the con-
stitution of the church will hereafter be much more democratic.
In all the states, the supreme power will be lodged in synods,
which in most of the states (presumably in Prussia also) will
consist of one-third ministers and two-thirds laymen. Women
will have the vote in all Protestant churches. The influence of
the individual parish in the appointment of its minister will be
much increased. Indeed, if a minority of the members of a
parish are dissatisfied with the minister's theology, they will
under certain conditions be permitted to hold services of their
own within the parish. But on the whole, the congr^ational
element in German churches will be small even in the future;
the church-presidents, generally elected for life, and the con-
sistories nominated by them, will guard the churches against
the vacillations caused by changing majorities.
Just as the individual state governments have, as the result
of the revolution, lost some of their importance in comparison
with the national government, so the prevailing tendency
toward centralization has brought about the convocation of
the first German "Kirchentag" (Church Congress). In the
past, for the conduct of the common affairs of the churches,
such as the representation of Protestantism over against Catho-
licism, the care of Germans abroad, etc., there existed only a
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CHURCH AND RELIGION IN GERMANY 43
Gommittee composed of del^ates from the various consistories.
Now, after thorough preparation, a Church Congress represent-
ing all German Protestants met for the first time in September
1919 at Dresden. Consistories, synods, theological parties,
missionary societies, and Christian associations, sent their
delegates. This assembly represented and disclosed great dif-
ference of opinion, theological, political, and social. Neverthe-
less, at a time when the new states and the spirit of the age
tended to ignore both church and religion, it furnished a re-
markable demonstration of strength and solidarity, and re-
ceived a good deal of public notice. The "Kirchentag'' is to
be a r^ular institution, meeting if possible every year, not
with the purpose of creating a "Reichskirche,'' or uniform
national church, but merely to constitute a league of the various
Protestant German churches, which for the rest will remain
independent of each other, especially in matters of creed and
doctrine. The common interests of German Protestantism
will be promoted and defended, whether against the state,
Catholicism, or unbelievers, through this '"Kirchentag." Its
first session was closed with the adoption of several very
important declarations: an address to the Protestants of Ger-
many r^arding the humiliating impeachment of the Emperor
and the detention of our prisoners of war; another to the Pro-
testants in the lost provinces of Alsace, Poland, West Prussia,
and Danzig; and a statement regarding the German foreign
missions, which have been ruthlessly destroyed by our enemies.
How the theological differences will develop no one can fore-
see. Under the new democratic system, which through its
recurring elections exposes theological differences to the dis-
cussion of laymen as never before, dissensions will certainly
increase. The settlement of such controversies by govern-
mental consistories has ceased. It is not certain that division
can be permanently prevented. Possibly the orthodox party
will secede in churches where the elections result in favor of
the liberals. Thus far the elections have resulted to a surprising
extent in favor of the conservatives, many of the liberals and all
the socialists having kept away from the polls. Meanwhile,
their common enemies, Rome, unbelief, and inmiorality.
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44 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
strengthened by war and revolution, will continue to present
great common tasks and impel the various parties to keep
together. The provision of special services for the benefit of a
dissenting minority within the parish is an attempt to satisfy
scruples of conscience and thus prevent secession.
Like all other sciences in Germany, theology faces hard
times. Our impoverished country cannot afford the ordinary
instruments of science. Already the printing of scientific books
and papers has become well-nigh impossible, and so has the
purchase of scientific books by students and ministers. As-
suredly not Germany only, but the rest of the world as well,
will be seriously injured by this starving of German scholarship.
A strange element in the new relation of church and state
is the fact that the theological faculties remain institutions of
the state, the states, not the churches, appointing their profes-
sors. But this should not be matter of regret; the selection of
the ablest scholars and the objectivity of scientific research is
better guaranteed by the state than by the majorities of synods.
On the other hand, the churches will be able to supplement the
education furnished at the universities by maintaining, as
some of them have in the past, seminaries of their own, to which
candidates for the ministry may repair for training in practical
work after leaving the university.
More lamentable even than the state of theology is that of
the benevolent Christian organizations, particularly the numer-
ous ^'innere Mission" societies, which are devoted to the care
of the sick and the infirm, work among prisoners and outcasts,
the fight against alcoholism and immorality, and to evangelical
missions. All these organizations are now confronted with
such great deficits that their maintenance is extremely prob-
lematical. One of the saddest effects of our defeat is the ruin
of our works of charity.
Internally, the character of the German churches seems about
to change in one respect, as a necessary consequence of the
separation of church and state. In the article of 1910 1 pointed
out that the German churches, though differing from each other
in many points, are all of a decidedly Lutheran type, in the
sense that they emphasize the piety of the heart which is gen-
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CHURCH AND RELIGION IN GERMANY 45
erated by the "Word/' and give less attention to institutional
religion or the element of religious fellowship. I said then that
this was well enough so long as state, education, and public
opinion in Germany were essentially Christian, but that the
growing neglect of the institutional chtirch was endangering
the cause of religion. Now that the state and pubUc opinion
have adopted a distinctly neutral attitude towards religion,
the judgment I expressed seems truer than ever, and indeed
its truth is generally recognized. "The church of the past was
a church of sacrament, the church of the present is a church of
the word, the church of the future must he a church of fellowships^*
said a prominent minister at the evangelical "Gemeindetag''
at Leipzig in May 1920. The movement for building up a
well-organized, rich, and vigorous parish life, with greater
activity on the part of the laity, has been quickened. New
organizations have come into being, such as the " Volkskirchen-
biinde" and "volkskirchliche Laienbtlnde." These associa-
tions were first called into existence by the situation in which
the churches found themselves after the revolution, and the
urgent need of demonstrations backed by numerous signatures;
but they soon became centres of parish work and lay activity.
The future of the Protestant church in Germany will depend
very largely upon its success in putting an end to the inveterate
passivity of the laity, and to the n^lect of religious institu-
tions as nurseries of Christian fellowship; and in uniting the
real Christians within the great "Volkskirche" into small but
active circles, which shall maintain a healthy parish life and
effectively champion the cause of the churches before the
general public.
In concluding this chapter on the position of the churches
in Germany after the war, we may point out that, contrary to
the expectation of the Utopians who brought about the revolu-
tion, the Catholic church has been very greatly strengthened.
By the separation of church and state, that church lost nothing
but supervision and restrictions, while retaining its leaders.
On the other hand, it gained unlimited freedom for monasteries,
religious orders, and theological seminaries, the election of
bishops, and a papal nuncio at Berlin. In the national, as well
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46 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
as in many state governments, the Catholic (Centre) party is
of decisive importance. The Imperial chancellor, Fehrenbach,
belongs to that party. For the present, by reason of the pre-
vailing distress and their common struggle against the atheistic
poli<*y of the revolutionists, peace between Protestants and
Catholics has been fairly well preserved; but in the future, the
increased power of Rome in Germany will provoke serious con-
tests between the two bodies; and it is to be feared that, al-
though in the majority, the disunited Protestants will prove
the weaker party.
n
We have found the state of the church after the war, though
by no means free from danger, yet not entirely unsatisfactory,
llie church has proved far too strong to be swept away by the
forces of culture, in spite of the fact that the latter have come
to be practically independent. The outlook becomes more seri-
ous when we tium to the second part of our survey: the temper
of the outsiders and their relation to religion and the churches.
This subject must be considered under two aspects: Firsts the
relations of the Protestant church and the German working
class, and Secondy the relations of the Protestant church and
German culture. Both these problems, it will be recalled,
proved complicated in our article of 1910. The first appeared
quite insoluble for the immediate future; the second seemed less
difficult, since German culture, at least theoretically, was begin-
ning to turn from naturalism to idealism, and hence was adopt-
ing a more sympathetic attitude, not indeed to the church, but
at least to religion. In both respects the situation since the
war and the revolution has not materially changed, although
both questions have grown more acute for both sides — the
working class and the educated class on the one side, and the
church on the other.
We may begin with the working class, the vast majority of
whom are organized into socialist parties. As a result of the
war and the revolution, our prediction of 1010 has been ful-
filled: the moderate and radical socialists have separated.
The Moderate Socialists have been in control of the govem-
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CHURCH AND RELIGION IN GERMANY 47
moit of Germany for the past eighteen months, and have there-
fore been compelled to do a certain amount of constructive
work. In the course of their endeavours, the best of them have
come to recognize that socialism made a serious mistake in
teaching the masses to antagonize all existing institutions, and
to base their hope of future welfare upon economic revolution
alone, to the n^lect of moral agencies. Some of their leaders
have confessed as much. Others, like the Prussian Kultus*
minister, Haenisch, have explicitly acknowledged the moral
achievements of the church, espedally in the education of the
masses. Still others, such as Schulz, Meerfeld* and Keil, have
gone so far as to ui^e socialists who have not left the church to
take an active part in its affairs, now that it is no longer in the
service of a capitalistic and militaristic state.
Nevertheless, it can scarcely be affirmed, even of the moder-
ate socialists, that they have actually drawn nearer to the'
church. It is true that, being compelled to do constructive
work instead of contenting themselves with mere opposition,
the moderate socialists have b^un to adopt a more objective
attitude also towards the church. Their press is b^inning to
show some regard tot their own doctrine that religion is a
private affair, and to refrain from deliberate attacks on religion
and the churches. But as yet there is nothing like a positive
inclination of moderate socialists toward the chtirch or even
toward religion. For one thing, the antipacifist position of the
churches during the war had the effect of increasing the antagon-
ism of many of them; while the problem of divine government
in connection with the war furnished too tempting material for
their scofBng. Moreover, since the revolution, workingmen
are so taken up with urgent economic, trade-unionist, and poli-
tical questions, that few of them have time or interest for religi-
ous subjects and the revision of their ideas concerning the
church. Even the fact that some ministers have gone over to the
socialist party has failed to bring more than a very few socialist
workmen into touch with the life and work of the church.
More sinister is the attitude of the Independent Socialists
C'Unabhfingige Socialisten," "Kommunisten"). In ever in-
creasing numbers the majority of wage-earners not only re-
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48 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
fused to follow their leaders into constructive work, but, per-
sisting in the old attitude of hatred and opposition, abandoned
the socialist party and went over to the Bolshevists, in wrath
and disappointment at the failure of the revolution to bring
about the promised paradise. Among such the animosity
toward the churches, now independent of the state, has re-
mained as strong as that formerly directed against the estab-
lished churches. The press of these radical socialists preaches
Marxian materialism, according to which all churches are
merely a means to stultify the masses and support capitaUsm.
The surprising energy exhibited by the churches in tiie crisis
led to a new movement to bring about secession from the
church en masse. But in spite of this animosity, thus far only
a small fraction of the workmen have left the church, about
one half of one per cent of the population. Most wage-earners
paid no church taxes anyhow; and their religious habits, to-
gether with the influence of their wives and children, have
kept them from withdrawing.
Between 1912 and 1914, when for the first time such a move-
ment for a general secession from the church was started by
radical sociaUsts like Hoffmann and Liebknecht, about 100,000
working-men left the churches. This movement subsided, how-
ever, when the war broke out. But after the great disappoint-
ments of 1918, when even the revolution failed to break the
influence of the church, and the radical attitude of the revolu-
tionists toward the churches actually turned many, especially
women, into anti-revolutionists, the agitation for secession was
resumed. Organizations such as the "Freethinkers," the
"Central Union of Proletarian Freethinkers," the "Committee
of the Unbelievers" are eagerly at work at the present time.
And more favorable to their cause than all their agitation is
the fact that many wage-earners, on account of their increased
wages, must now pay church taxes. Consequently, since the
close of the war another 100,000 (including women and chil-
dren) have left the churches. When one considers, however,
that at the last election there were twelve million socialist
votes, those numbers are seen to be quite insignificant. More-
over, the withdrawal of children from the religious instruction
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CHUBCH AND RELIGION IN GERMANY 49
famished in the public schools, and still more the establishment
of non-religious schools (in accordance with articles 146 and
149 of the national constituticm) proceed with surprising slow-
nesSy in spite of the continued agitation, especially on the part
of socialist teachers. By far the greater nmnber of children,
even in the predominantly proletarian schools of the large
cities, still attend the classes in religion. Nevertheless, the
movement for secession from the church seems bound to in-
crease. From the point of view of religion, it may not be whoUy
imdesirable that people who reject religion in fact should not
continue to profess it in name. But the realization of the ideal
of a "" Volkskirche" is seriously endangered by that movement.
More serious than the defections from the church is the fact
that the majority of workingmen, even after the disappoint-
ments of the revolution, still fail to perceive that mere economic
changes, without the birth of a new spirit, cannot create a
paradise. The war, in Germany as in other countries, has
thrown the moral standards of many into confusion; and the
revolution has still further undermined respect for authority
and made men critical of inherited institutions. To be sure,
many radical leaders recognize that we need a new spirit if we
are to emerge from our misery into better things. There are
many to whom their Bolshevism is itself a new religion for
which they would gladly give their lives, and who struggle with
pure idealism for the anticipated salvation of the future. We
must admit, also, that the churches, whose adherents belong
mostly to the conservative political parties from which work-
ing men keep aloof, often cling too closely to the conservative
side of political and economic questions, and show too little
appreciation of the material and moral condition of the working
class. But even where clergymen have turned to the radical
parties — and some have gone very far, witness the so called
"religiOs-social" movement, with its organ, "Das neue Werk,"
which has adopted the radical socialism and pacifism of Swiss
theologians * — the effect in winning socialists for church and
' One of tiienu Dr. Hartmann of Solingeii, openly addressed an ultimatam to the
chttidi, threatening to lead a secession en maue himself if it did not reform in the
direction of democratic socialism and radical padfism.
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60 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
religion has been negligible. Long-continued socialist agitation
has rendered the heart of the working class utterly irresponsive
to the influence of the church and the Christian religion. The
situation is very serious — no small part of the seriousness of
Germany's future. Either we shall overcome the fanatical
mutual distrust of the classes in Germany, and in particular
free the working class from its materialistic delusion and hos-
tility to religion, which, I am convinced, is possible only through
an awakening of the spirit of the love of Jesus in both upper
and lower classes; or else Germany, like Russia, will perish
together with its churches and its working class. Whether the
'^Volkskirche'' in its traditional form will ever be able to win
back the workingmen in Germany must be r^arded as doubt-
ful. Rather we may hope that in the distress which all of us,
and not least our working-men, are now facing, a prophet may
rise from the working class itself, to preach the gospel of Christ
in a new tongue and devise new forms of f eUowship for a re-
awakened Christian faith.
The outlook is less discouraging, as was pointed out ten
years ago, when we come to the second question, the relations
of the church and culture, or the church and the educated
classes. German culture, we saw, was already turning from
the realistic-naturalistic thought of the second half of the
nineteenth century to a new idealism. Certainly, the move-
ment in that direction has made progress during the past ten
years. The war and the revolution have contributed to the
same result. Many are ready to admit that the old realistic
culture went bankrupt in the war; that the much esteemed
technical sciences celebrated their greatest triumph in the in-
vention of the most terrible instruments of slaughter; that
imperialistic poUtics led the nation to disaster; and that our
splendid economic development proved one of the main causes
of the war. The idea that only a new spirit of devotion, sacrifice,
and sincerity can save us from the Russian chaos, that our
external culture must give way to a new inwardness, is widely
prevalent among educated men and women. Moreover, the
dread of Bolshevism has caused many to look to the church as
the defender of order and authority. The shallow mockery of
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CHURCH AND RELIGION IN GERMANY 61
aD religion and cont^npt of the churchy which for a long time
were common among the educated dasses, have to a great
extent disappeared. In the distress wrought by the war, and
in the anxiety of the revolution, many educated people have
found their way back to the churches. The movement for
secession, inaugurated by professors of natural science like
HSckel and Ostwald, makes very little progress among the
educated. Its adherents are mainly teachers, among whom the
old naturalistic radicalism, with its accompanying hostility to
the church, continues to flourish. Not only the conservatives,
but the liberal and democratic parties as well, proved friendly
to the church on the issue of its separation from the state, and
labored together for the maintenance of religious instruction in
the schools.
But over against these gratifying facts we must set others
not so encouraging. Simultaneously with the growth of the-
oretical idealism, the war, the universal distress, and state
regulation of business, have resulted in a considerable d^ree of
practical materialism, sensuality, and covetousness even among
the educated. The struggle for existence, political and econo-
mic, has in many cases submerged the higher interests. And
where this has not happened, and where educated people,
especially among the young, are looking for a new idealism,
they are for the most part still very far from the religion of
the Christian church. Some, unmindful of history, turn to
individualistic mysticism. Others are enticed by Christian
Science and similar movements. In particular, the "'spiritual
science" (GeUtesvnssenschqft), or theosophy, of Dr. Rudolf
Steiner has made considerable headway among the educated.
Precisely this shows the remarkable change which has come
about within the last twenty years. The same educated men
who then held up natural science as the final solution of the
riddles of the universe, now ally themselves with the mystical
community of Rudolf Steiner, believe in a universe full of
ghosts and angek, study their own ""etherial body" and '" astral
body," and speculate on the question who they were in a former
stage of existence. Even some Protestant theologians have
been won over to these beliefs. Steiner himself insists that his
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52 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
aim is not to combat, but to deepen and intensify Christian
faith; that he is engaged in a common struggle with the
churches against the great enemy of all genuine civilization,
materialism. As an ally in this struggle, the church may per-
haps welcome him; but it is to be feared that, with the inevi-
table disappointments of this '* spiritual science," people will be
drawn away from genuine religion and landed in abstruse and
empty speculation.
So the problem of the "Protestant Church and German
Culture," is no nearer solution today than it was ten years ago.
In spite of the fact that the last few years have seemed to force
them together, they still remain apart. No doubt the church
has not been without fault. It has often been too inflexible,
too rigid, too little mindful of the realities, too much engrossed
with the poor in spirit. On the other hand, not a few people of
education eagerly await the rise of some new prophet, some
creative genius, who, amid the present confusion of thought
and the crumbling of foundations, shaU point a new way and
proclaim the old gospel in new language. May the bitter and
fearful period which by the will of God we face, and which
threatens to surpass in incalculable misery aU that has been
e3q>erienced in the past, raise up for us such a man! Assuredly
he would prove a blessing, not only to Germany, but likewise
to the other nations, which are beset with the same confusion
and cherish the same longing for new ideas and a new spiritual
leader.
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THE TOMBS OF PETER AND PAUL 5S
THE TOMBS OF PETER AND PAUL
AD CATACUMBAS
GEORGE LA FIANA
Habyabd Univeihitt
Regent archaeological discoveries have contributed in many
ways to enrich our knowledge of the early periods of Cluistian
history. It cannot be denied that the results of these investi-
gations as a whole have given testimony in favor of the con-
servative historical tradition, rather than of the aggressive
criticism of the last century. In many cases archaeological
evidence has verified or confirmed traditions to which historical
criticism had denied any positive value, and solved what had
been regarded as insoluble problems. Where literary evidence
was laddng or inconclusive, archaeology and ancient liturgy
have furnished the historians of the early centuries of the
Church new sources of knowledge of inestimable value.
A striking illustration of this is found in a recent book,
'^Petrus und Paulus in Rom. litiurgische und archaeologische
Studien" (Bonn, 1915), in which Professor H. lietzmann col-
lects and analyzes a body of liturgical and archaeological evi-
dence relating to the tombs of Peter and of Paul in Rome, and
comes to the conclusion that the old Roman tradition which
venerates Peter's grave at the Vatican and that of Paul on the
Ostian Way is historically sound, and that no serious objection
can be raised against it. Coming from a weU known Protestant
scholar, this new and very valuable contribution to the vexata
qtuiesHo was warmly welcomed by eminent Catholic writers.
*'Was den Hauptteil des Buches angeht, so milssen wir Katho-
liken dem Verfasser geradezu dankbar sein. Wir hfitten die
Katholische Tradition nicht besser verteidigen k5nnen, als er
es getan hat," says Rauschen (Theologische Revue, 1916,
pp. 11 f.); and Professor Buonaiuti, of Rome, remarks that
'"fair play in scientific research has effectively overcome all
confessional bias" (ReEgio, 1920, p. 78). lietzmann's work
did not pass unnoticed in America. Professor W. W. Rockwell
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54 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
made a detailed survey of it in the American Journal of Theo-
logy (I9I8, pp. 113-124), aud Professor Kirsopp Lake called
to it the attention of the readers of the American Historical
Review (April 1920, p. 483). But the importance of the ques-
tion itself, and the fact that since the publication of Lietzmann's
book, further excavations under the Basilica of St. Sebastian
ad Catacumbas in Rome have supplied new and important ma-
terial, make necessary a new survey and discussion of the
whole problem.* *
Lietzmann's efforts are directed towards tracing the tradition
of the Apostolic tombs in Rome as far back as the third cen-
tury, so as to be able to connect it with the weU known
statement of Gains (about 200 a.d.) quoted by Eusebius: 'E^cb
Si rd rp&iraxa rS>v 'Atroard'kuv ix<a Sel^tu, 'Eiiv yiip OeKtiajis
i,iC€hSeiv hcl rbv BariKOMbv fj hcl riiv 6S6v rijv dxrrlav, ebpiiaHS
rd rp&jroAa rS>v raimiv lSpv(rafxiy(av rifv iKKKrialajf (H. E. ii. 25, 7),
^*I can show the trophies of the apostles. Go to the Vatican
or to the Ostian Way, and thou wilt find the trophies of the
founders of this church." This statement is not decisive, it
leaves room for doubt; but if we succeed in obtaining satis-
factory evidence from other sources that about the middle of
the third century the sites at the Vatican and on the Ostian
Way where today stand the two great Basilicas were venerated
as being the resting places of the bodies of Peter and Paul — so
Lietzmann's argument seems to run — we must conclude that
the tradition is genuine; the silence of all the literary sources
from ca. 64 to 200 is regrettable, but does not invalidate the
tradition, because there is to be put on the other side the ab-
scence of auy rival claims in behalf of other cities, and positive
archaeological evidence.
"If the graves shown about the year 200 had been fictitious, the error or
fraud must have occurred by 170 at the hitest. By that time, however, the
custom of Christian burial in the catacombs was fully developed. One who
was careless or meant to deceive would be likely to *find' the remains in the
catacombs, near those of other Christians, where Christian sentiment was
dominant, where Christian worship was easy. The relics might have been
'invented' lying side by side. The ancient and unanimous tradition, how-
ever, finds the graves of Peter and Paul widely separated, hard by well-
* See Notes at the end of this article* pp. 87-94.
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THE TOMBS OP PETER AND PAUL 55
trmyelled roads* each alone in the midst of heathen graves. The natural ex-
planation is that the ancient sites are genuine: that beneath the Hall of the
Three Emperors there actually rest the remains of Paul and under the mighty
dome of Bramante those of Peter/* '
Whatever may be thought of the probative value of this argu-
ment, so well presented by lietzmann, it is undeniable that if
we find a sound basis for the Roman tradition, so that the
rp&ircua named by Gains must really be identified with the
tombs of the Apostles, we may assume that a definite step
has been made towards the final historical solution of this
problem.
The most important source of information about this tra-
dition is found in the ancient Roman liturgy. The oldest
Feriale of the chiurch of Rome known to us, the so-called Philo-
calian Calendar,* mentions two liturgical commemorations of
the Apostles. The first is given under the 22d of February
{VIII Kal. Martias. Natale Petri de Cathedra), and is intended
to be a commemoration of the beginning of the episcopate or
the apostolate of Peter. Its institution goes back to tibie first
half of the fourth century. "The choice of the day," says
Duchesne, whose conclusions are foUowed by lietzmann, "was
not suggested by any Christian tradition. In the ancient cal-
endar of pagan Rome the 22d of February was devoted to the
celebration of a festival {Carislia, or Car a Cognatio), popular
above all others, in memory of the dead of each family. The
observance of this festival and the participation in its cere-
monies were considered as incompatible with the profession of
a Christian, but it was very difficult to uproot such ancient and
cherished habits. It was doubtless to meet this difficulty that
the Christian festival of the 22d of February was instituted.*'*
This festival arose too late to shed any fresh light on the ques-
tion of Peter's pontificate in Bome.^
The second commemoration of Peter mentioned in the Philo-
calian Calendar, is that of the 29th of June, which is common
to both Peter and Paul: /// Kal. lul. Petri in Catacumbas el
Pauli Odenae. Ttisco et Basso Cons. The consular date cor-
responds to the year 268. "Evidently we have here, not the
anniversary of the martyrdom of either of the apostles, or of
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56 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
them both together, but merely the commemoration of the
translation of their relics to the place called ad Catacumbas, at
the third milestone on the Appian Way/' * This is the inter-
pretation given to the passage of the Feriale by Duchesne and
commonly accepted by historians. lietzmann deals at length
with this point, and fortifies Duchesne's theory by pointing
out that in the Oriental martyrologies the festival of June 29 is
ignored, while recourse was made to an artificial liturgical con-
struction in assigning the commemoration of Peter and Paul
to December 28.
If this interpretation of the PhUocalian text is right, we have
an historical datum of the greatest importance for the whole
question in the fact that in the year 258 a liturgical commemo-
ration was instituted for the temporary translation of the bodies
of Peter and Paul from their resting places at the Vatican and
on the Ostian Way to the site ad Catacumbas on the Appian
Way. If this translation is proved to have happened, we have
in it the connecting link with Gaius's rpAxata, and the whole
Roman tradition of the apostolic tombs may be considered as
resting on a secure historical foundation. This is the pivot of
the whole situation. To make the case stronger, just as Liets-
mann's book was ready for publication, fresh excavations
within the basilica ad Catacumbas brought to light a new and
apparently irrefragable evidence that as early as the latter
part' of the third century the memory of Peter and Paul was
an object of special cult in that place. The author was thus
able to add to his book a new chapter (pp. 116-121) and an
appendix (pp. 180-188) dealing with this opportune archaeo-
logical evidence, although on account of the lack of more com-
plete information he gave to some important details of the new
discoveries an entirely erroneous interpretation. The exca-
vations, interrupted in May 1916, were resumed for a short
period in 1917, and then again in 1919, with very important
results. In the light of the new data, the great majority of the
Roman archaeologists ' think that the question has been finally
settled, and that the translation of the Apostles ad Catacumbas
in the year 258 or even earlier is an established historical fact.
Let us see whether such a conclusion is warranted by the docu-
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THE TOMBS OP PETER AND PAUL 67
mentary evidence on which rests the assumption of the trans-
lation ad Catacumbas» and by the archaeological evidence
which is supposed to complete and to make inref ragable the
testimony of the documents.
The first explicit mention of the fact that the bodies of Peter
and Paul were once sheltered ad Catacumbas is found in the
liber Pontificalis. In the life of Pope Cornelius (251-25S) it
is said that the pope, yielding to the instances of the pious lady
Ludna, restored Peter's body to the Vatican iuxta locum quo
crueifixus est^ while Lucina herself assumed the task of taking
back the body of Paul to the site on the Via Ostiensis, iuxta
locum quo decoUatus est.* This part of the liber Pontificalis
was compiled with the use of older documents, at the beginning
of the sixth century; but the whole narrative of the transla^
tion is admittedly of a legendary character. If the bodies
were restored to the old places in 251-253, the entire theoiy
based on the consular date (258) in the Feriale would break
down.
The tradition appears more definite, and with a great wealth
of detail, in the apocryphal Pasmmes of the two Apostles,
which probably were written about the middle of the fifth
century. The Latin Passio Sanctorum Apostoiorum Petri et
Patdi relates that some Greek Christians, shortly after the
death of the Apostles, made an attempt to steal their bodies
and take them to the East, but were prevented by an earth-
quake and other miraculous occurrences from going farther
than the site ad Catacumbas, on the Appian Way, where the
Romans stopped the robbers, ^*el ibi custodiia aunt corpora
anno uno et mensibus septem, quumaque fabricarerUur loca in
quibiLS fuerunt poavta corpora ecrum,** * Similar is the narrative
in the Mopr^ptov r&v irfUav krwrrSKsav JUrfiov koI HaifXov and in
the IlpAiiis T&v &,yUap iLicwrrlikuv Hirpov koI HalfKou; ^® the
latter, however, a£Brms that the bodies remained ad Catacum-
bas only one year and six months, instead of seven.
A diffierent story is told in the Passio Syriaca of the martyr
Sharbil.^^ According to it the Praetor of Rome, in the times of
Pope Fabianus (2S6Hi50), ordered all foreigners living in Rome
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68 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
to leave the city. The Oriental Christians asked from the
Praetor permission to take their dead with them, which the
Praetor granted; whereupon they set about removing the
bodies of Peter and Paul. When the Romans objected to such
a removal, the Orientals rephed: '* Learn and see that Simon,
who is called Kephas, is of Bethsaida in Galilee, and that the
Apostle Paul is of Tarsus in Cilicia." So the Romans let them
take the bodies; but while they were removing them, a great
earthquake threw the city into a panic, and not only were the
bodies laid down in their places again, but the whole city was
converted to the Christian religion.
The legendary acts of St. Sebastian, also mention the place
ad Catacumbas iuxta vestigia Apostdorum, and the fifth cen-
tury Acta Quirini say of the same place, "wW aliquando jacii-
erunl** (sc. the Apostles). Finally, in the life of pope Dama-
sus in the liber Pontificalis (Cononian abridgement of the
year 687) it is said that Damasus ^^dedicamt Platomum in Cator
cumbas vhi corpora Petri el Pauli apostolorum iacueruntf quam
et versibus exomamt.** This statement is correct, as concerns
what Damasus did, but the clause tibi corpora . . . iacuerunt,
in a document compiled in the late seventh century, may be
dependent on the legend and cannot be safely attributed to the
compiler's source. This point will be made more clear when
we come to deal with Damasus's inscription.
Pope Gregory the Great (590-604), in a letter to the empress
Constantina, tells the story of the robbery attempted by the
Greeks ^* and thus gave to the legend the consecration of his
authority. The Notiliae and the lUneraria of the Middle
Ages do not fail to mention that ad Catacumbas dim requive^
runt Aposldorum corpora^^^ thus perpetuating the tradition,
which survived down to the modem times. According to these
mediaeval documents, however, the bodies of the Apostles re-
mained ad Catacumbas for a much longer period, that is to say
forty years,"' and in others as much as 252 years."**
It is evident, therefore, that the first explicit mention of
such a tradition appears only in documents which in the best
case are not older than the fifth century, and by common ac-
knowledgment are of a legendary character, and furthermore
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THE TOMBS OP PETER AND PAUL 59
give contradictory accounts about the time, the motives, and
the circumstances of the assumed translation of the bodies of
the Apostles. The only conclusion that can properly be drawn
from these stories is that, about the middle of the fifth century,
the tradition connecting the site ad Catacumbas with a tem-
porary tomb of Peter and Paul, was already in existence. If
this tradition had no other support than these legends, it could
be dismissed with a few words; but there is another series of
documentary sources, much older and more trustworthy, which
although they do not make explicit mention of the translation
ad Catacumbas, may be construed and interpreted as implicitly
containing a positive statement about it.
And first, the liturgical commemoration of the Apostles ad
Catacumbas. The passage of the Philocalian Calendar quoted
above puzzling as it is, leaves no doubt that the commemora-
tion of the Apostles on the 29th of June was already old when
Philocalus compiled his Chronography. In effect, this date as
we have already noticed, was not that of the martyrdom of
either Peter or Paul, and yet when Philocalus copied the list
of the Depositio Martyrum in his Chronography, the 29th of
June was considered in Rome as being truly the dies natalis of
the Apostles. This implies that the original meaning of the
commemoration was already forgotten, and therefore that the
commemoration itself had been instituted long before the times
of Phflocalus. The date of 258 (Tusco et Basso Cons.), if
it is not a mistake, and has any meaning at all, can only
be that of the institution of this commemoration ad Cata-
cumbas.^^
But according to the text of the Feriale only Peter was com-
memorated ad Catacumbas, while Paul's commemoration was
held in the traditional place on the Ostian way — Petri in
Catacumbas et Patdi Ostense. This is a serious di£Bculty, be-
cause it is impossible to admit that between 3S6 and 354, when
the two redactions of the Chronography were made, Peter was
commemorated only ad Catacumbas and not at the Vatican.
Moreover, there is another source, in which we find a different
text, viz. the Martyrdogium Hieronffmianum, which says: ///
Kal. Jul. Romae Via Aurelia NaUde Sanctorum Apostolorum
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60 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Petri el Pauli. Petri in VoHeano Via Aurdia. Pavli veto in
Via Ostiensi, Utriumque in Catacumbas. Passi sub Nerone.
Baeso et Tusco Consvlibue. The Hieronymianum was compiled
in Southern Gaul, probably in Auxerre, between the years £92
and 600» by putting together partial lists belonging to various
churches. One of the most important sources of the compiler
was an old Roman list, or local martyrology, of which we find
traces in the latter part of the fourth century^^'so that we may
assume with a measure of certainty that the passage above
quoted, stood in a Roman martyrology which must have been
in use in Rome, perhaps in the time of Fhilocalus, or at least
only a few years later. From this passage we gather that in the
latter part of the fourth century the mUale 6t the Apostles was
celebrated in Rome on Jime 29 in three di£Ferent places, that
of Peter at the Vatican, that of Paul on the Ostian way, and of
both ad Catacumbas. The date of their martyrdom is given
rightly under Nero. The consular date corresponding to the
year 258 is also added, evidently from the old Ferialey but with--
out any explanation.
It was thought that the divergence between the Feriale and
the Hieronymianum could be explained by supposing that
when the fii^t redaction of the Philocalian was made the body
of Paul had already been restored to the site on the Ostian way,
in the newly built basilica, and therefore his commemoration
also returned to the old place,^* whereas Peter's body was still
ad Catacumbas, perhaps because the Vatican basilica was not
yet completed; when several years later, the Roman martyro-
logy (source of the Hieronymianum) was compiled, the trans-
lation of Peter's body had also taken place, and the commemo-
ration was held at the Vatican; the memory, however, of their
t^nporary deposition ad Catacumbas was perpetuated by keep-
ing up the commemoration of both in that place. The weak
point of this theory lies in the fact that while we may admit
that in S36 the Vatican basilica may have not been completed,
and that Peter's commemoration consequently could be held
only ad Catacumbas, it cannot be admitted that the same con-
dition existed in 354 when Philocalus revised his Chronography.
By that time the Vatican basilica was already open for wor-
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THE TOMBS OP PETER AND PAUL 61
shipy and we have evidence that the veneration of Peter's
memory was there fully established. Philoealus, therefore, who
was living in Rome and in the ecclesiastical circles, could not
have f aOed to add to the Feriale the commemoration of Peter
at the Vatican. That about that time the commemoration of
the Apostles was celebrated in the three places mentioned by
the Hieronymianum, we have a proof in an old hymn attributed
to Ambrose of Milan, in which it is said that on the 29th of
June
Trinis celebratur viis
festum sacromm martjmim."
We must infer that the text of Philocalus is perhaps mutilated
and therefore unreliable — '*il faut le sacrifier/' says Duchesne.
The Hieronymianum becomes our best authority on this point.
But apart from the late date of its compilation, we are familiar
enough with the methods used by the compiler, and the instance
of his duplication of the festival de Cathedra obliges us to be on
guard. And if we must be distrustful of its express statements,
much less is it permissible to rely upon it and draw further
inferences from suspicious sources. Jn conclusion neither the
Feriale nor the Hieronymianum affords either implicit or ex-
plicit evidence that a translation of the bodies of the Apostles
ever took place in Rome: all that can be gathered from them
is that at a certain time, perhaps after the middle of the third
century, a commemoration of Peter was instituted ad Catacum-
bas, and that either at the same time or later a corresponding
commemoration of Paul had been coupled with it. But there
is no hint that the institution of this commemoration was due
to a translation of the bodies of one or of both ad Catacumbas;
on the contrary, this origin is implicitly excluded by the as-
sumption that the 29th of June is the dies natalis of the Apostles.
The date 258 given by the Feriale and reproduced in the Hie-
ronymianum may be only a mistake; but in any case, it may
be explained, as we shall see later, in a different way than by
admitting a translation of the bodies. A more important liter-
ary source is Damasus' inscription mentioned in the passage
already quoted of the Liber PontJficalis. Of this tablet only a
small fragment has been found, but the text of the inscription
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62 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
has been preserved by the old itineraria. According to the best
reconstruction it read as foUows:
Hie abitasae prius sanctos cognosoere debes
Nomina quisque Petri pariter Paulique requiris
Discipulos oriens misit quod sponte fatemur/
Sanguinis ob meritum Christumque per astra secuti
AetherioB petiere sinua regnaque piorum.
Roma suos potius meruit defendere cives.
Haee Damasus vestras referat nova sidera laudes.
"Thou must know that formerly saints dwelt here, and their
names, if thou wish to inquire, are those of Peter and Paul.
We confess willingly that tiie Orient sent these disciples. By
the merit of their blood (their martyrdom) they followed Christ
to heaven, and reached the celestiid refuge and the kingdom of
the saints. Rome merited the privil^e of defending them as
being its citizens. Damasus relates these things in your praise,
O new stars."
Damasus' poetical style in general is not notable for clear-
ness; we must confess, however, that if this inscription appears
to be an intricate puzzle, the fault is perhaps with the inter-
preters. It is assumed that in the first verse there is a dear
statement (habitasse prius) that the Apostles had temporarily
lodged in tombs ad Catacumbas, while in the antithesis of the
third and sixth verses (Oriens misit; Roma meruit defendere) a
no less dear allusion is discovered to the attempt of the Orien-
tals to steal the bodies, and to the resistance of the Romans to
this attempt.
There is no doubt that the inscription was so interpreted by
the authors of the legends that flourished in the fifth century.
Even a literary dependence may with much probability be re-
cognized, as for instance in the passage of the Passio which
says, ^*Gaudete el exuUate (o Romani)^ quia patronos magnos
meruislis habere^'^"^ which evidently recalls the ^'Roma meruU
potius** of Damasus. It might not be going too far to surmise
that it was from such an interpretation of the inscription that
the l^end arose — it would not be the only case of l^ends
which originated in misimderstanding of inscriptions finding
their way into Christian hagiography. But if, forgetting the
legend, we try to understand Damasus' awkward poem in the
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THE TOMBS OP PETER AND PAUL 6S
light of the events ci the time in which Damasus wrote it» we
may find his inscription as clear as it must have been to his
contemporaries.
The suggestion that the inscription may allude to the antago-
nistic attitude of the Eastern towards the Western Church, has
been summarily dismissed as being out of the question. And yet
I think that it is exactly what Damasus means by his antithesis^
Oriens misit — Roma meruit. It must not be forgotten that it
was in the pontificate of Damasus that a Coimcil formally
recognized the Church of Constantinople as standing on an
equal footing with the Church of Rome. Bad feeling between
the two great branches of Christianity had existed for long
time. The Western Church had not forgotten that under the
reign of Constantius it had been obliged to accept at Rimini
the Arianizing theology of the eastern bishops who had the ear
of the emperor, nor the violent measures taken against the
recalcitrant western prelates. The West had learned to dis-
trust the East, and these feelings played a great part in the
whole history of that period. Damasus himself, under the in-
fluence of the intrigant Peter of Alexandria, made the dis-
astrous error of alienating the sympathies of the theologians of
the Cappadodan group, who were the stanchest supporters of
orthodoxy, and were anxious to coSperate with Rome for the
pacification of the Church.^*
The situation was made still worse by the obstinacy with
which Damasus in Rome and Ambrose in Milan insisted on
recognizing as legitimate bishop of Antioch the intruder Pauli-
nus, unlawfully ordained by Lucifer of Cagliari while passing
through Antioch, against the legitimate bishop Meletius. The
climax came at the Council of Constantinople (S81). Thanks
to the efforts of the Cappadocians and of their friends ^* the
theological formulations of the council were strictly orthodox;
but on the other hand the Council did not hesitate to reject
the claims of the West for Paulinus; nay it gave to Meletius,
the bishop condemned by Rome aud Milan, the presidency of
the Councfl. It went still farther and after Meletius' death,
which happened a few days later, refused to recognize Paulinus
pro bono pads, and had a new election held for the see of An-
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tioch, emphasizing the fact that the East, would not brock the
interference of the West in matter of episcopal elections or
church discipline. And jBnally, it was the same Council that
formulated the famous third Canon, attributing to the see of
Constantinople, the New Rome, the same standing in the
Church as the see of the Old Rome, to which was reserved
nothing but an empty honorary precedence.
Now it was during these excited coimciliar debates about
Paulinus's case that some of the bishops uttered the famous
remark, '"After all Christ was bom in the East," to which the
pious bishop of Constantinople and new president of the Coun-
cil, Gregory of Nazianzus, who was in favor of a more con-
ciliatory policy, replied, "Yes, but it was because in the East
it was easier to be crucified." ^® That sentiments like those to
which the bishops gave utterance at the council were very
common among the people there, Gregory's own description
leaves no doubt. Not only the yoimg ones rhpfiri vkm^ but
even the old bishops, 4 (ri\art\ 7^povala, were like enraged hornets:
Araicra xa^Xdf ou(rtK ^ a<f>uc(bv SUcriv
irrwaiv €{fSb tQv irpoadnrtiiv bBpUiK.
Much more incensed must have been the common people, the
HlfMi KoKoiQpy who were wont to take a more direct part in all
religious issues than the western Christians. It is quite natural
to suppose that they would boast abo of the eastern nationality
of Peter and Paul. A late echo of those popular expressions
may be found in the Passio Syriaca quoted above, where to the
remark of the Orientals, "Remember you Romans that Peter
was bom in Bethsaida and Paul in Tarsus," the discomfitted
Roman had no reply. It would not be strange if Pope Damasus
to counteract the impression that such claims might make
upon his flock, and especially among the simple minded and
ignorant, thought it advisable, now that they had been voiced
even in a council, to take the opportunity of the dedication of
the Platomimi, to assert once more the rights of Rome. What
Damasus says in effect is: ''Yes, Peter and Paul were born in
the East, you do not need to remind us of that {aponte fatemur)^
but it was here that they gave their blood, it was here that
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THE TOMBS OF PETER AND PAUL 66
they were reborn to the immortal life, and therefore Rome has
the right to claim and defend them as its citizens."
We find ourselves on less firm ground in the interpretation
of the first verse of Damasus's inscription: ^^hic abiiasse
prius" It cannot be denied that the verb habitare is found in
the epigraphic terminology in the meaning ot to be buried;
Damasus himself in another inscription has it in this meaning.*^
But it is not impossible that in the inscription ad Catacumbas
the verb habitare may have been used in its primary meaning,
*to dwell/ of a living person. It is not only possible but very
likely that in that place, which much later was called ad Cata-
cumbas, and where during the first century stood a large villa
whose substructions have been discovered under the basilica,
Peter may have found a refuge while living in Rome. There are
traces that such was the case. Professor Marucchi himself who
stands unguibua et rostria for the translation of the Apostles ad
Catacumbas, not only does not deny the possibility of such a
connection, but, on the contrary, thinks that there must have
been an old tradition linking Peter with that neighborhood on
the Appian way, a tradition which would explain the choice of
the place for the cemetery of Callistus and the legend of the
Qiu) Vadis.*^ The habitasse prius of Damasus may be an echo
of this tradition which disappeared when it was superseeded by
that of the translation."''
That Peter only, and not Paul, would be thus originally con-
nected with the site ad Catacimibas is not a valid objection.
The old Feriale of the Roman Church does the same. More-
over, we know that the Roman tradition of the third and follow-
ing century was for various reasons strongly inclined to couple
the names of the two Apostles on all occasions. Were not their
dies natalis assigned to the same day, although they were exe-
cuted neither the same day nor the same year? Peter and Paul
was already a binomial like Castor and Pollux, and it has been
remarked that Damasus, when he invokes the Apostles as nova
aidera, must have been thinking of the hicida eidera, the
title given by Horace to the Dioscuri protectors of the pagan
Rome.''
In this connection it will be useful to pay attention to the
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66 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
circumstances of Damasus' times. It was a time in which the
cult of the martyrs was acquiring immense importance in the life
of the Church. Searching for the concealed bodies of the martyrs
of the various persecutions had become a favorite occupation
of both bishops and laymen. Hundreds of relics of supposed
martyrs were brought to light, and churches and chapels were
erected in their honor.^ In many cases the martyr himself
would reveal in a dream the place of his grave. It was thus
that Ambrose of Milan discovered the bodies of Gervasius and
Protasius. Damasus himself, who spent a great deal of his
energy in finding and restoring tombs of martyrs ^^ seems to
have received visions of this kind, like that which led him to
the identification of the remains of the martyr Eutychius:
Node soporifera turbant inBomnia mentem,
Ostoidit latebra insontis quae membra teneret
Quaenttir» invoitus colitur, fovet» omnia praestat."
It is easy to perceive that such a practice could not fail to lead
to serious abuses. As early as the year 401 an African council
foimd it necessary to forbid the erection of altars in places
pointed out by visions: **Quae per somnia et per inanes quasi
revelationes quoruwlibel hominum ubique constituuntur aUaria
omnimode prohibentur.*^ The Memoriae Martyrum were per-
mitted only where there were bodies of real martyrs, or "i/W
origo alicuiiis habitationis^ vel possessiomnis vel passionisy fiddis-
sima origine traditur*' ^ Although a decree of a provincial
coimcil, it reflects a situation which was more or less general,
and the official attitude of the Church against the abuses. In
Rome the procedure on this matter was always more r^ular
than elsewhere, and it seems that the restrictions later formu-
lated at Carthage for the Church of Africa were already applied
in Rome in the time of Damasus. In fact, the poet pope does
not fail to mention in his inscriptions the historical circumstance
which justifies the cult of a martyr in a given place, and when
he is not sure of the facts he is careful to say fama refert, or
Damasus haec audita refert. It seems strange, however, that in
the case before us, while he gives the fact as certain {cognoscere
debes), he should mention such an important thing as the tem-
porary occupation by the Apostles of tombs ad Catacumbas
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THE TOMBS OF PETER AND PAUL 67
with the ambiguous verb habitassey without adding any ex-
planatory clause.**
That the verb habitasse is to be taken in its natural meaning
will be evident when we see, as we shall, that a translation of
the bodies of the Apostles to the Appian Way not only is not
warranted by any positive testimony, but appears for various
reasons to be highly improbable. Really, what could have been
the motive for the removal of the bodies? The legend of the
oriental thieves is out of the question.** Duchesne thought that
the answer was to be foimd in the consular date (258) in the
Feriale. The Church was under persecution, and in the pre-
ceding year (257) an imperial edict forbade all kinds of Chris-
tian meetings, especially in cemeteries. It seems that an armed
guard was stationed to enforce the law in the places more fre-
quented by the Christians. The apostolic tombs at the Vatican
and on the Ostian Way must have been the first to be put
under strict surveillance. It was natural under such circum-
stances that the Christians should think of removing the bodies
of the Apostles to a new place, where they could hold their
meetings without arousing the suspicion of the police. The
site ad Catacumbas was exceptionally well adapted for such a
purpose.
Against this hypothesis which found almost universal ac-
ceptance, serious objections were raised by no less an authority
in the hagiographic literature than the Bollandist Fr. Dele-
haye.** I^t of all, it must be remembered that respect for the
tomb was one of the most sacred traditions of Roman life, and
that the Roman law was very severe against the transgres-
sors.*^ To violate a tomb and remove the remains was a capital
crime. When, on accotmt of extraordinary circumstances, a
removal was necessary, it could be done only after the grant-
ing of a special permit. There is no example in Rome of the
tombs of the martyrs ever being molested by the government
even in times of fierce persecutions. The Christians therefore
had nothing to fear for the tombs of the Apostles. Moreover,
we can hardly think that the Christians, while they were being
persecuted, would dare to transgress a law which was severely
enforced at any time and the violation of which would have
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68 HARVARD THEOIXKJICAL REVIEW
drawn upon them fresh rigors of the law and the wrath of the
superstitious populace. Not to mention that, if the cemeteries
were» as we have reason to believe, under heavy guard, it
must have been a very difficult task to accomplish such a
removal.
It is more natural and more simple to suppose that the Chris-
tians of Rome, imable to meet in the usual places and to invoke
the Apostles in the vicinity of their graves, held their religious
meetings in the villa ad Catacumbas, which must have been
the property of a rich Christian, and there celebrated the
commemoration of the 29th of June which was destined to
become the great festival of Peter and Paul. The choice of
the place may have been suggested not only by its safety as
on private property, but also by the tradition connecting it
with Peter."
A removal of the bodies was not only unnecessary and im-
practicable, but against the feelings of the Christians of Rome,
who very likely would have considered such a thing as a sacri-
l^ous attempt. As a matter of fact we have no instance of
translations of bodies of martyrs in Rome during the first five
centuries. The so-called translations of which mention is
f oimd in catalogues and martyrologies as having happened in
Rome during that period are either of a legendary character,
or are special cases which cannot be classified as real transla-
tions. Such, for example, is the case of the bodies of Pope
Pontianus and of Hippolytus brought from Sardinia to Rome.
Those who were deported for any reason and died in exile were
frequently reclaimed by their relatives, and the government
usually did not refuse the permission, because they were con-
sidered as bodies which had not been perpetuae sepuUurae tradHa
and as such their removal was an act of piety. In the same way
the body of Pope Cornelius, who died an enle in Centumcellae,
was brought back to Rome.
The two instances quoted by Lietzmann (pp. 84-87) to prove
that translations were common in Rome, that of Parthenius and
Calocerus (May 19, 804) and that of Blesilla (September 22,
804) have no historical basis. That their bodies were removed
from one place to another in the same cemetery was never any-
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THE TOMBS OF PETER AND PAUL 69
thiiig but an hyi>oihesis of De Rossi's which has been com-
pletely discarded, because there is no archaeological evidence
of such a translation, and the year (S04) mentioned by the
PhUocalian is really that of their martyrdom.^ No less ground-
less are the supposed translations of Zephyrinus ** and Silanus *^
from one cemetery to another, and that of Fabianus ^ from the
cemetery of Callistus to the place ad Catacumbas. The cases
of the martyr Quirinus, bishop of Sisda in Pannonia, and that
of the so-called Q^atuor Coronati, are of a different kind. They
were not Roman martyrs, but their remains were brought to
Rome tmder peculiar circumstances. When the barbarians in-
vaded Pannonia some Christians fled thence to Rome carrying
with them the relics of Quirinus, their martyr patron. As for
the Quatuor Coronati, the translation, if it ever happened, did
not take place before the sixth century, although th^ were
venerated in Rome as early as the fourth century."^ In con-
clusion, there is not a single piece of incontrovertible evidence
that translations of martyrs were practised in Rome tmtil we
come to the late fifth century. While in the East, and in the
western provinces which had been influenced by the eastern
discipline, translations of martyrs became common shortly
after the peac^ of the Church, and their bodies were without
any respect dismembered and scattered through the various
churches to satisfy the demand for relics, Rome adhered firmly
to its ancient discipline,'^ piously respecting the tombs of its
martyrs, and refusing to touch them even at the request of
emperors and empresses. The letter of Gregory the Great
mentioned above was written in reply to a request made by the
empress Constantina bagging the pope to send to Constanti-
nople relics of the bodies of Peter and Paul. **Bomants con-
nutudo rum e^^ replied the Pope.'* The translation of the
bodies of Peter and Paul, supposed to have taken place the
year 258 or at an earlier date, would be therefore a unique case
in the history of the Roman Church of the first centuries; and
it is quite logical that before accepting it as an historical fact
we should ask better evidence than that afforded by baseless
Iq^nds or by equivocal interpretations of doubtful texts. Has
archaeology supplied this evidence?
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THE TOMBS OF PETER AND PAUL 71
The Basilica of St. Sebastian ad Catacumbas on the Appian
Way was originally built as a memorial to the Apostles Peter
and Paul, and up to the eighth century was called Basilica
Aporiolorum. It was erected in the second half of the fourth
century, probably under the pontificate of Damasus/" The
basilica had originally three naves without a transept, and with
a peribolos instead of an apse/^ In the eighth century, probably
under Pope Adrian I (772-796), the whole building was collaps-
ing, and it was thought necessary to close the two lateral naves
by walling up the spaces between the pillars, the basilica being
thus left with only its central nave. Extensive restorations
carried on under Cardinal Scipione Borghese in the sixteenth
century gave to the church its present uninteresting aspect.
Outside the walls of the old basilica at the left side of the peri-
bolos there is a small crypt (Plate I, A) which is now called
Platonia,*^ and probably since the sixteenth century has been
identified as the place where the bodies of Peter and Paul were
deposited while ad Catacumbas. Access to the Platonia, whose
level is about 17 feet lower than the Basilica, was originaUy by
a stairway on the east side (N), but in the course of Borghese's
restoration this entrance was walled up, and a new entrance
was constructed on the west side (O). Within the Platonia is a
cella (a) in the form of a sarcophagus decorated with marble
slabs and divided into two sections, as if it were made for two
bodies. It is surmounted by a vault which still shows traces
of paintings. The double sarcophagus was thought to be that
which once held the remains of the Apostles. Around the wall
of the Platonia there are thirteen arcosolia ^ decorated with
stucco reliefs, which were supposed to contain the tombs of the
early popes.*
* Ob <lb« plan (Plato I).— A, FUtonia. B,Tridi«. D, Court. E^CdlaaFaviani.
Fl-O^Colnmlwria. G, Cavity, 90 feet beneftUitlieleTd of the BasUica. H,L^M,Boman
foneraJ cbambera. N, dd stain to the Platonia. O, New stain to the Flatonia. P,
Bottom of the excavation, 40 feet beneath the level of the Basifica. S» Stairway leading
to the gallery. Z, Plastered strip on the walls of the gaHety. W, Remains of a Boman
ViUa. a, Cdia (6ifoiiiia) under the Platonia. e-e. Wall of the Tridia on which are the
giafilti. <l-^ Parapet of the Tridia facing the court ir> little fountun in the Tridia.
The small building with an apse* at the left of the Basilica, b the so-called
Domns Petri.
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72 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
In 189S an investigation was made under the direction of
Mgr. De Waal to ascertain whether the traditions were con-
firmed by archaeological evidence. The results were wholly
unexpected.^ Instead of containing the tombs of the early
popes, the spaces within the arcosolia were found filled to their
capacity with tombs in form of pigeon-holes, dating from the
fifth century. In demolishing a superstructure added to the
arcosolia in order to make room for other tombs, the old wall
of the Platonia was discovered and on it a monumental inscrip-
tion in six verses running around the whole semicircular hall.
The first verse and part of the last were still legible:
Quae tibi martyr rependo munera laudis
Haec Quirine tiias . . . probari.
It was evident that the Platonia was not the Memoria Aposto-
lorum, but a memorial of the martyr Quirinus, bishop of Siscia,
whose remains, as has been said above, were brought to Rome
in the beginning of the fifth century, and according to the Acta:
"Fta Appia miliario tertio sepeUerunt in bcMica Apostolorum
Petri el Pavli^ vbi aliquando jacuerunt, et vbi 8. Sebastianus
Martyr Chrisbi requiescU in loco qui dicUur Catacunibas; aedi-
ficantee nomini eius dignam ecclesiamJ^ The Platonia was this
digna eccleeia built for Quirinus. The lower part of its walls
belonged to a Roman building which was older than the Basi-
lica, as is evident from the fact that the northern comer of the
Platonia was cut to make room for the wall of the apse, while
the upper part of the walls seems to be posterior to the Basi-
lica.*' Pope Innocent 11 (1180-1143) removed the remains of
Quirinus from the Platonia to the Basilica of S. Maria in Traste-
vere and from that time the original destination of the Platonia
b^an to be forgotten, making room for the tradition which
connected it with the Apostles.
The builders of the old basilicas on the sites where there was
a Memoria of a martyr in whose honor the basilica was erected,
used to orient the whole building so that the Memoria would
be included within the walls and if possible in the central part,
under the altar, or the so-called Confession. The Platonia had
been considered to be an exception to this rule, but once its
supposed connection with the Apostles was found to be mia-
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THE TOMBS OF PETER AND PAUL 7S
taken, it became dear that traces of the old Memoria Aposto-
lorum could be found only under the pavement of the central
part of the basilica itself . A careful survey of several mediaeval
Itineraria, and of the descriptions of the basilica left by Pan-
vinio (1570) and Ugonio (1590), confirmed this conjecture; and
finaUy the discovery by Grisar of a decree of indulgence granted
by Pope Leo X in 1521, in which are given topographical in-
dications about the altars of that church, left no doubt that in
\lhor\i
platb n
the central part of the nave there had been an altar called
aUare reUquiarumy having at one side the Sepulchrum 8. Petri
and on the other the Sepidchrum S. Pcndi. That altar disap-
peared at the time of the unfortunate restorations of Borghese.
Li March 1915 the new excavations were b^gun near the
place where the altar of the relics probably stood (Plate I, B).
From a few inches beneath the pavement to a depth of seven
feet the site was f oimd crowded with formaey or brick tombs,
arranged in stories. Some of them had dated inscriptions, the
ddest of which gives the consular date corresponding to the
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74 HAEVAHD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
year 856 or 857 a.d. If this necropolis was started after the
basilica had been built, we must conclude that the basilica
itself was erected about that time, that is to say under the
pontificate of Liberius.^* When the tombs had been removed,
it was found that the site had been a hall of irr^ular shape of
about 160 square feet. (See Plate 11, p. 78.)
It was closed on the east side by a wall ic-c)y the upper part
of which was demolished to make way for the pavement of the
basilica. On the lower part of this wall were traces of a bench
running along its whole length. The upper part was decorated
with frescoes representing climbing vines, and doves, and from
the line of the bench up was covered with scrawls {graffiti) of
various types in Latin and Greek letters. The opposite wall
{d-d) was but a low parapet with two pillars to support the
roof. The hall was therefore open to the southwest on an ad-
jacent court (D). On the northern side the hall was closed by
three Roman columbaria (Fl, F2, FS). These columbaria were
found elegantly decorated and still contained some of the oUas.*''
It was not difficult to identify this hall with one of the so-called
tricUae or pergidae which dining the fourth century could be
seen commonly near Christian basilicas or cemeteries.^* They
were covered with a light roof of tiles, or even simple vines,
and there the Christians gathered to celebrate funereal ban-
quets. The bench around the walls, the little fountain in the
comer ($f), the frescoes, and the graffiti mentioning such ban-
quets, leave no doubt that ad Catacumbas there was a triclia
attached to the Memoria Apostolorum.^* Behind the wall
e-Cy but on a higher level than the pavement of the triclia,
there was a ceUa (E) in which were three sarcophagi containing
mummified bodies. Within the middle sarcophagus above the
head of the body, was a marble opisthographic tablet with the
inscription: ** 8. Famanus ic requiesit.** The form of the letters
is of a mediaeval type. Lietzmann (p. 120) thought that in
this cella and in these sarcophagi the Apostles had been de-
posited. There is no groimd for such an assumption: it is
impossible to admit that the hiding place of the bodies could
have been on a higher level than the triclia; and moreover if
the sarcophagi had been those of the Apostles they would not
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THE TOMBS OF PETER AND PAUL 75
have been used for other bodies, nor the place crowded with
other tombs.
At the same time, excavations executed under the right side
of the apse brought to light imposing remains of an old Roman
villa, with some halls beautihiUy decorated, and with a nimiber
of inscriptions and objects of classic Roman art.*® (Plate I, W.)
At the close of this first phase of the excavation, while the
discovery of the tridia had introduced new elements into the
problem, yet the attempt to find traces of the Memoria Aposto-
lorum had failed. New excavations carried on for short periods
during 1916 and 1917 did not throw any further light on the
subject, although three other colimibaria (F4, F5, F6) added
new details to what was already known about the topography
and the use of the site before the erection of the basilica.^
In 1919 excavation was begun in the upper part of the court
(D)« When it was carried down to the tufaceous rock on which
stand the foundation walls of the basilica, a large cavity (G)
was found reaching the depth of about thirty feet below the
level of the pavement of the basilica. Here was made the un-
expected discovery of a group of three large funereal chambers
irr^ularly disposed on a broken line (H, L, M), dug deep into
the rock, with entrance doors in the area of the cavity (G).
On one of those doors there is the name of M. Clodius Hermes,
and paintings representing funereal banquets. Other paintings
were found within the chamber, while two other chambers are
adorned with stuccoes of fine workmanship. One of them was
originally a columbarium adapted afterwards for interments;
the other two contain lociUi, or burial niches, similar to the
Christian cubicuU. The chamber L seems to have belonged to a
collegium funeraiicium. There is no doubt that these sepulchres
were originally built and used by pagans. The date of their con-
struction is to be assigned to the first or second century; but
there is evidence that they were in use up to the middle of the
third century. On the rocky wall of the cavity (G) other tombs
were dug, probably by Christians, as is inferred from an
inscription."
These discoveries proved two things: first, that on that site
there was a necropolis of pagan origin and connected with the
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76
HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
buildings which we call the Roman villa; and, second, that
Christiaos themselves used this necropolis before the construe*
tion of the basilica. The unusual depth of the cavity with its
surrounding tombs explains why the name ad eatacwmbaa was
given to the place. It is well known that the name cabaeumba
belonged originally to this site, and only afterwards was ex-
tended to other Christian cemeteries. De Rossi proposed the
etymology of Kark and accubitoria (cumbae), but it seems more
/Bremen/ oft^9 B^sific^
FiATB m
probable, and it is confirmed by the present discovery, that
the name owes its origin to icar& and ic6/ij3os (deep cavity with
a concave bottom).
During the excavations of 1915, on the left side of the court
(D), was discovered the beginning of a stairway (S) at about
twenty-two feet below the pavement of the basilica. (Plate HI) .
The entrance had been partially obstructed by the wall of the
left nave, and was filled with debris. When in 1919 this debris
was removed it was found that the steps ran down a depth of
more than forty feet, to a gallery three feet wide and twelve
feet in length, which ended in a kind of cella of irregular shape
about seven feet wide. Behind this cella there was the bottom
of a pit (P), whose mouth was found at the level of the old
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THE TOMBS OF PETER AND PAUL 77
Roman villa. The walls of the gallery show the tufa through
which it is dug, with exception of a plastered strip (Hate I, Z)
about three feet wide, not far from the end of the stairway on
which graffiti are scrawled as on the wall of the tridia.
This last discovery was again thought to have solved the
problem. According to Professor Marucchi the bodies of the
Apostles were hidden in this gaUery , exactly under the plastered
strip. The names of Peter and Paul scrawled on the strip
several times, with the usual invocation. In mente habetey leave
no doubt that the gallery was connected with the cult of the
Apostles ad Catacumbas. It seemed strange, however, that
no other signs could be found in such a holy place, than a few
rude and hardly decipherable charcoal scrawls — no inscrip-
tions, no pamtings, no decorations of any kind, nor any trace
of a tomb or of an altar. Was this the venerated Memoria
Apostolorum? This was plainly a serious difficulty for the
theory. Marucchi tried to explain the enigma by supposing
that originally the gallery ended at the point where there is the
plastered strip, tmder which he supposes that the bodies of the
Apostles were deposited. Being a temporary shelter, and so
small that there was hardly room for anything else but the
coffins, no work of ornamental character was done in it. Later,
after the removal of the bodies, in order to make the place
more accessible to pious visitors, the gallery was prolonged as
far as the pit, and tliis gave origin to the mediaeval l^end that
the bodies of the Apostles were hidden in a pit. The mouth of
the pit, which was originally at the level of the Roman villa,
was raised so as to emerge near the wall of the crypt called
Platonia, and within the Platonia Pope Damasus built the
Memoria Apostolorum, that is, the cella under the altar where
is the sarcophagus divided in two sections by a marble slab.
This sarcophagus was never used; it never contained the bodies
of the Apostles, but was a mere cenotaph, commemorative of
the translation of the venerated relics. Later, the martyr
Quirinus was deposited in the same crypt, but not in the
.sarcophagus, and the Platonia became at the same time a
monument to Quirinus, without ceasing to be the Memoria
Apostolorum. Professor Marucchi's explanation is very in-
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78 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
genious, but it is too conjectural to be accepted without further
evidence.***
After all the whole burden of proof is put upon the graffiti
in the gallery and those of the tridia. It is to them that we
must turn for condusive evidence.
In the triclia w^e found 191 fragments of graffiti, some still
on the wall, but mostly in the debris of the same wall scattered
among the tombs, or on the floor of the tridia.** Thirty-three
of them are written in Gredc,** the rest in Latin. Ihey may
be divided in three classes: a. those which give only names like
Fdidtas, Vitalis, Maxima, Quiradus, and even Cristus.** 6.
those which contain invocations to Peter and Paul. This is
the largest dass:
PAVLE ET FBTSE PETTTB PRO VICTORE
PAITLE PSTRE PEUTE PBO ERATE ROGATB ....
PAVLE ET PETRE IN MENTE HABETB SOZOMENUM ET
PETRUS ET PAVLVS IN MENTE HABEATIS ANTONIUS ....
nETPB BT UATAAI IN MENTE
UATAE KAI ircTPE MNHMONBTAI TIMOKTATHN KAI BTTTXBIAN
. . . PauketPetRE A PETITE PRO NATIW IN PERPETWm
and many other of the same kind.
c. The third class (only eight graffiti) contain the word T^rvft"
riumy in a meaning which is new in Christian epigraphy.
. . . DVS IN ... E REFRIGERAViiiiiu
fEUCISSIMUS CVM Suis
Xm KAL APRILES
REFRIGERAVI
PARTHENIVS IN DEO ET NOS IN DEO OMNES
AT PAVLVm
ET PETrum
REFRIgemvi
DALMATIVS
BOTVM IS PROBOSIT
REFRIGERIVM
PETRO ET PAVLO
TOMIVS COELIVS
REFRIGERIVM FECI
and three oth^», in a more fragmentary condition but in which
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THE TOMBS OP PETER AND PAUL 79
the word refrigerium is easily recognizable. The graffiti of the
gallery are few and contain invocations like:
VIIDVSAVG.PBIMVM . . . PETE . . . ORATIONIB VS ET BOIIS
FETRE ET PAVLE IMMENTBM (sic) HABE
TE FRIMVM ET PRIMAM IV6ALE EIVS
ET SATVRNINAM C0NIV6EM . . . PRIMI
ET VICTORINVM PATREM ... IN
SEMPER IN AETERNO ...
PETRE ET PAVLE IN Mente habete
On the arch is one scrawl in which probably the first two
syllables of the word REFRIgerium may be identified^ and
near it there is a rough sketch of a cup with handles.
The graffiti of the first and of the second dass do not afford
any special evidence. Styger** suggests that invocations of
martyrs are usually found in the cemeteries and only near
their tombs, and therefore invocations like Petre et Paule in
mente habete, would not have been written on the wall of the
tridia and of the gallery unless the bodies of Peter and Paul
were there. Nimis probat. No doubt graffiti with invocations
are found commonly in the cemeteries and near the tombs of
the martyrs, but that the Christians in Rome could not or
would not write invocations to the Apostles in a place which,
although it did not contain their relics, was dedicated to them,
is stiU to be proved.
The real importance is with the graffiti of the third class.
From them it is evident, that the Christians used to gather in
the triclia and to celebrate there or in the gallery the rite of
refrigerium; but the refrigerium is essentially a sepulchral rite;
therefore the refrigeria in honor of Peter and Paul celebrated
in that place necessarily suppose the presence of the bodies of
Peter and Paul ad Catacumbas. It seems a strong argument,
but its strength is more apparent than real when it is carefully
analyzed.
First of all, what is this rite of the refrigerium mentioned by
the graffiti of the triclia? The word refrigerium (ii^d^^is) is
peculiar to the Christian Latinity,*^ and is found frequently in
its metaphorical meaning of eternal joy in heaven or spiritual
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80 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
refreshment in general.^^ Such a use in Christian inscriptions,
is not uncommon. Equally common is the use ci refrigerium
in its material meaning of food and the like.*' TertuUian (ApoL
c. 39) uses the word of the fraternal agape of the Christians:
**inopes quosque refrigerio isto iuvamus.*^ The agapae, or fra-
ternal banquets, offered to the poor members of the community,
had no relation to any funereal ceremony, and were held in the
usual meeting places of the Christians. Now the word refrig-
erium in the graffiti of the triclia cannot be taken in its meta-
phorical meaning, but only in the material meaning of a ban-
quet. A triclia^ or pergida^ was usually a place where friends
and relatives would gather, *'ad confrequentandam memoriam
quiescentium** *^ with a funeral repast — *^ Locum ctedicuiae
cum pergvla el solarium ledum junctum in quo populus coUegii
epuietur" *^ No doubt the triclia ad Catacumbas was one of
these places. After the excavations of the year 1915, when it
was thought that the necropolis was later in time than the
basilica, the existence itself of the triclia in that place was con-
sidered as convincing evidence that it had been built near the
tombs of the Apostles to celebrate their memory with fraternal
banquets. The excavations of 1919 have left no doubt that a
pagan cemetery and after it a Christian one occupied the site
before the basiUca was erected, and therefore the triclia may
not have been originaUy dedicated to the Apostles. There is,
however, no doubt that it was used at some time for bi^quets
in honor of the Apostles. Were those banquets of a funereal
character, implying that the bodies of the Apostles were ad
Catacumbas when the banquets were held?
Such a question leads us to inquire about the period in which
the graffiti were written. Dr. Styger remarks quite rightly that
it is a rather difficult investigation. The graffiti, which usually
are scrawls from the hand of common people, always present
the most puzzling combinations of hand-writing. Side by side
with letters of an archaic form, we find others anticipating new
forms which only later acquired right of citizenship in the cal-
ligraphic tradition. The difficulty is still greater when these
graffiti are found in a city like Rome, where people from all the
comers of the world flocked together and would naturally use
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THE TOMBS OP PETER AND PAUL 81
in writing their provincial peculiarities and traditions. In
genial) so far as palaeography can judge, the graffiti of the
tridia may belong to the third as well as to the fourth century.
But fortunately in the present case there are other elements
than palaeographic guesses from which a more definite con-
tusion may be arrived at. As for the termintis ad quem^ it is
fixed by the erection of the basilica, at which time the upper
walls of the triclia were demolished, open access to the place was
cut off, and it was converted into a burial vault. As we said
above, the basiUca was built in the pontificate of Liberius or of
Damasus, that is to say between S56 and 384. As for the
terminus a quo, the rite of the refrigerium itself may throw some
light on the date of the graffiti.
If the refrigeria to which the graffiti in the triclia bear witness
were banquets in honor of the Apostles and near their tombs,
thqr cannot have taken place before the second decade of the
fourth century. It was only after the peace of the Church that
such banquets in honor of the martyrs b^^an to be celebrated.
On this point we have the explicit and unimpeachable testi-
mony of Augustine, who says:
. . . PoBt pensecutioiies tarn multas, tamque vehementes, cum facta pace,
turbae gentilium in ChrUtianum nomen venire capientes hoc impedirentur,
quod dies festos cum idolis suis aolerent in abundantia epularum et ebrie-
tate omsumere, nee facile ab his . . . voluptatibus se possent abstinere,
visum fuisse maioribus nostris ut huic infirmitatis parti interim paroeretur»
diesque festos, post eos quos lelinquebant, alios in honore sanctorum marty-
rum vel non simili sacrilegio» quamvis simili luxu oelebrarentur.*^
The graffiti of the triclia were therefore written between 820
and 856 or 380.
It is suggested also that the refrigerium included, besides the
banquet, the rite of pouring a libation on the tomb of the
martyrs, and that the pious visitors ad Catacumbas, after the
banquet in the triclia, would go down to the gallery, stop under
the plastered strip, and complete their ceremony by pouring
the content of their cup into a little hole of which traces were
found in the floor.^
But against all these assumptions there are serious objec-
tions. First of all, if refrigerium must be interpreted as a
banquet at the tomb of a martyr, would it be a necessary in-
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82 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
f erence tliat between 820 and 880 the bodies of Peter and Paul
were still ad Catacumbas? We have aheady remarked that if
the translation of the bodies to their original resting places had
taken place after Constantine, such a great event would cer-
tainly have left some trace in the records of the time. As a
matter of fact, the archaeologists themselves who hold fast to
the tradition that the remains of Peter and Paul found a shelter
ad Catacumbas assign this event either to a very early period,
shortly after the death of the apostles,^ or to the year 258; but
all of them agree that the bodies remained ad Catacumbas for
a very brief time — one or two years."* It has to be admitted,
therefore, that the refrigeria were held ad Catacumbas absenle
cadfwere^ and only because the place had once been sanctified
by the presence of the bodies of the Apostles. This would be
possible, so far as the banquet is concerned, but it is difficult
to account in the same way for the pouring of Ubations. We
have evidence that perfumes were poured on the real tombs of
the martyrs in the fourth century, and we read in Pnidentius,
Nos tecta fovebimuB ossa
violis et fronde frequenti
titulumque et frigida saza
liquido spargemus odore.
and in the poem to St. Hippolytus,
Oscula perspicuo figunt impressa metallo
balsama defundunt, fletibus ora rigant.*^
We have evidence also that libations of wine were made by
the Christians swper tumvlos defundorum*^ (Augustine, Sermo
190), and also on the tombs of the martyrs, in the belief that
they would enjoy the refreshment. Paulinus of Nola looked
with indulgent eyes upon this kind of superstition:
. . . quia mentibuB error
Inrepit rudibus; nee tantae conscia culpae
Simplicitas pietate cadit, male credula sanctos
Perfusis, halante mero, gaudere sepulchris.
Poema xxvn. Natale de S. Felice, 564-567.
But we have no proof that this performance was called re-
frigerium^ and no evidence whatever that it was done anywhere
but at the actual tombs of the martyrs. Moreover, if the re-
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THE TOMBS OP PETER AND PAUL 83
frigefium was a banquet to be held at the tomb of a martyr,
would it not be strange that the Roman Christians^ or visitors
from the provinces, should hold their banquets in honor of
Peter and Paul ad Catacumbas, in the place where the bodies
of the Apostles were not, when they could have gone to the
real tombs, which were not only equaUy accessible but even
more easQy reached than the site three miles out on the Appian
Way?«*»
In the last analysis the whole question hinges on the mean-
ing to be assigned to the word refrigerium in the graffiti of the
tridia. The Roman archaeologists agree that it is used in a
way which has no example in Christian epigraphy. When we
read Pebro et Paulo Tomitis Coelius r^rigercm,^* we cannot
interpret the words of an offering for the eternal rest of Peter
and Paul, as they would first suggest. In the fourth century the
cuh of the martyrs was already well developed, and although
among simple-minded Christians there might be room for
misunderstanding,** yet it is not probable that in Rome the
custom of offering prayers and oblations /or the Apostles could
have been so long tolerated in one of the places sacred to their
memory. The meaning of the phrase is, ^'Tomius Coelius
celebrated a refrigerium in honor of Peter and Paul." But
then is it not evident that the word refrigerium has lost its
original meaning and its connection with a funereal rite which
was the essential part of that meaning? The fact, also, that
these graffiti ad Catacumbas present the only instances of
the use of refrigerium in the sense of a banquet, not /or, but in
hofwf ofy somebody, joined with the fact that such a use is not
found in regular inscriptions which would give it a kind of
official sanction, but in scribbles traced on walls by common
people — is not this a strong indication that the word refrige-
rium had come in the popular use to signify merely a banquet,
having a loose religious connection and celebrated in a place
dedicated to the memory of a martyr?
In other words, I do not see why, when it is admitted that
the refrigeria celebrated ad Catacumbas are not the usual
refrigeria known to us from other sources, but a peculiar cele-
bration which here for the first time we find called refrigerium^
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84 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
it must be taken as self-evident that such a celebration, im-
properly called refrigerium, retained the original sepulchral
character of the true refrigerium. We are entitled at least to
the benefit of the doubt. The argument would be cogent only
in case we were prepared to interpret the graffito as meaning
that Tomius Coelius, in his pious ignorance, offered a refrige-
rium for the eternal rest of Peter and Paul. In that case the
funereal character of the ceremony could not be denied, and the
graffiti would supply the evidence that the bodies of Peter and
Paul were — or once had been — there. But as yet no one is
ready to accept such an interpretation.
There is a passage in one of Augustine's Epistles which may,
it seems to me, suggest a plausible explanation for the refngeria
ad Catacumbas. It is well known that the custom of holding
banquets at the tombs of the martyrs rapidly degenerated, and
like the pagan celebrations of which they were a thinly dis-
guised survival, became veritable orgies. Early in the second
half of the fourth centtuy the Church started a campaign for
their abolition. In the already quoted epistle to Aurelius, bishop
of Tagaste, Augustine, then only a presbyter, tells how he had
tried to persuade the people of Hippo to follow the example of
those churches beyond the sea whidi had never indulged in such
banquets or had already abolished them. It seems that some-
body in his audience remarked that in Rome, even in the Va-
tican Basilica, people held banquets and got drunk every day:
Et quoniam de basilica beati apostoli Petri, quotidiaaus vinolentiae pro-
ferehantur ezempla» dixi primo audiase noa saepe ene prohibitum, aed quod
remotus sit locus ah episoopi conversatione et in tanta civitate magna ait
camalium multitudo, peregrinis praesertim, qui novi subinde venirent, tanto
violentius quanto inscitius illam oonsuetudiiiem retineutibus, tarn immanem
pestem nondum compesci sedarique potuisse.
This custom has been forbidden again and again, says Augus-
tine, but it has been impossible to stop it, because those banquets
are celebrated in places far from the surveillance of the bishop,
and because Rome is such a large city and there are always so
many pilgrims both ignorant and drunkards.
No doubt in Rome, and especially at the tombs of the
Apostles, many restrictions must have been imposed to check
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THE TOMBS OP PETER AND PAUL 85
the abuses of these banquets. Such restrictions, as always
happens, hit first the poor folk, while they were not enforced
against wealthy and influential people like Pammachius, who in
897 gave a great banquet at the Vatican, as a refrigerium for the
soul of his deceased wife, Paulina.^ The poor people, and those
who wanted more freedom, had to search for a more available
place than the gorgeous basilicas of the Vatican or the Ostian
Way. For this the site ad Catacumbas was well adapted; it was
a locus rematus ab epUcapi conversatUmey and was connected by
an old tradition either with both the Apostles, or at least with
Peter; and there those who were not allowed to do so at the
Vatican held their religious banquets to which they gave the
name refrigeria^ perhaps like those celebrated at the tombs of
the Apostles. And thus these banquets, assuming the name
of refrigeria by analogy, may well have been one of the things
which contributed to create the legend of the translation of the
bodies of the Apostles ad Catacumbas.
Augustine's epistle is dated in the year 892, but he says that
prohibitions against the banquets had been issued again and
again, and we may safely assume that in Rome the reaction
agaikist these abuses must have been felt strongly at least from
the middle of the century. Now, according to Dr. Styger,
explorer of the tridia, the graffiti might have been written
during the second half of the centtuy, and not very long before
the destruction of the tridia. As for the triclia itself, it is prob-
able that in that place there was from much earlier times a
triclia connected with the collegia funeraticia which owned
their tombs there, and that it was either rebuilt or adapted by
the Christians for their refrigeria.^ It seems, however, that it
was not in use by them for any very long time, because the
graffiti are not very numerous, and may all have been written
within a few years. And, finally, the motive for the construc-
tion of the basilica itself may have been not only a desire to
honor the Apostles, but also to do away with the triclia and
with it the abuses of the banquets. If the basilica was erected
under Damasus, as many archaeologists think more probable,
we should have a correspondence of dates which makes my
suggestion plausible.
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86 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
The final result is that up to the present the archaeological
evidence is not sufficient to validate the tradition that the
bodies of the Apostles were at some time or other removed ad
Catftcumbas and temporarily deposited there. But let us re-
mark by the way of conclusion, that even, dato et nan concesso,
that the refrigeria mentioned in the triclia were ceremonies of
a sepulchral character, and that the Ate abiiasse of Damasus
meant "here were biuied Peter and Paul," we should still
be far from having the positive proof of the assumed transla-
tion. All that could be Intimately deduced from such evid-
ence is tbat the tradition which appears in literary sources only
in the fifth centtuy already existed in the latter part of the
fourth century. But could we say that we had thus found for
it a sound historical basis? In making the tradition one cen^
tury older we should not have disposed of the difficulties which
stand in the way of supposing that the bodies of Peter and Paul
were at any time removed from their tombs. The burden of
proof would still be on the archaeologists.
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THE TOMBS OP PETER AND PAUL 87
NOTES
1. The articles and publications of which extensive use has been mad^ in
writing this article are the following:
Dr. Paolo Styger, Scavi a S. Sebastiano. Scoperta di una memoria degli
Apostoli Pietro e Paolo e del corpo di S. Fabiano Martire. — Rdmische
Quartolschrift, 1915, pp. 75-110.
Gli Apostoli Pietro e Paolo ad Catacumbas. Ibid. 1915, pp. 14IK-205.
A. De Waal, Die Apostelgruf t ad Catacumbas an der Via Appia. — Sup-
plementheft d. BOmische Quartalschrift. 1894.
Zu Wilpert's Domus Petri. — BOmische Quartalschrift, 1911^,
pp. 128-182.
Gli Scavi nel pavimento della Basilica di S. Sebastiano sulla Via
Appia. -- Ibid. 1915, pp. 145-148.
O. Fasiolo, La PianU di S. Sebastiano. — ROmische Quartalschrift, 1915,
pp. 206-220.
F. Grossi-Gondi, S. J., H Refrigerium oelebralo in onore dei SS. Apostoli
Pietro e Paolo nel sec. IV ad Catacumbas. — iEUSmische Quartalschrift,
1915, pp. 221-^9.
La Basilica di S. Sebastiano sull' Appia dopo le insigni scoperte degli
anni 1915-16. — Civilt A Cattolica, 1917, vol. 2, pp. 58»-598: 8, pp.
519-534.
La Data della costruzione della Basilica Apostolorum sull' Appia. —
Ibid. 1918, 8, pp. 280-242.
Qrazio Marucchi, Le recenti scoperte presso la Basilica di S. Sebastiano. —
Nuovo Bullettino di Archeologia Cristiana. Roma. 1916, pp. 5-61.
Ulteriore studio storico e monumentale sulla Memoria Apostolica
presso le Catacombe della Via Appia. Ibid. 1917, pp. 47-87.
La Memoria sepolcrale degli Apostoli sulla Via Appia secondo il
risultato delle ultime ricerche. Ibid. 1920, p. 581.
Conferenze di Archeologia Cristiana. In all the issues of the Bullettino
quoted above.
H. Grisar, S. J., Die Rdmische Sebastianuskirche und ihre Apostelgruft im
Mittelalter. — ROmische Quartalschrift. 1895.
£. Buonaiuti, Gli Scavi recentissimi a S. Sebastiano. — BoUettino di
Letteratura Critico-religiosa. 1915, pp. 875-881.
G. B. Lugari, I varii seppellimenti degli Apostoli Pietro e Paolo sull'Appia.
— Bessarione. 1898.
T. Wilpert, Dchuus Petri. — ROmische Quartalschrift, 1912, pp. 117-122.
2. Lietzmann, p. 177. W. W. Rockwell, The Latest Discussion on Peter
and Paul in Rome, American Journal of Theology, 1918, p. 121.
8. Furius Di<Hiysius Philocalus was either the compiler or simply the copy-
ist of a Chronography, which is but a collection of various Roman chrono-
graphic lists. Two of Uiem are those related to the Roman Church which are
caUed the Deposiiio Epiaoopomm, contammg the obituary of the Roman
bishc^ from 255 to 852; and the Depontio Martyrum, or list of the commemo-
rations of the martyrs celebrated by the Roman Church, which is supposed to
reproduce the oldest Feriale of that Church that we possess. Philocalus com-
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88 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
piled his Chronognphy first m SS^, but later revised it and carried the lists
down to the year 854. The text of the Chronography in Monum. Germ. Hist.,
Chronica Minora I. See Mommsen, Ueber den Chronographen vom Jahre
854. Leipzig, 1850, and L. Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis, I, p. vi.
4. L. Duchesne, Christian Worship (English translation) 5th ed., p. 278.
5. The festival of February 22 often occurred in Lent. In countries ob-
serving the Gallican rite, where Lenten observance was considered incom-
patible with the honouring of saints, the difficulty was avoided by holding the
festival on the 18th of January. When about the end of the sixth century
the bishop of Auxerre, Annarius, compiled the so-called Martyrologium
Hieronymianum, he thought it advisable to keq> both dates, that of the
Boman Calendar (attributmg it to Antioch, a see which was believed to have
been also occupied by Peter) and that of the Gallican Calendar, attributing
it to Borne. But it was only in the sixteenth century that such an arrange-
ment was adopted by the Boman Church. The assumption that the festival
of February 22 might have been originally connected with the veneration
of the relic known in Bome as the Chair of St. Peter (De Bossi, Bull. Arch.
Christ., 1867, p. 88, and Lietzmann, p. 78) is untenable. No trustworthy
mention of such a relic is found earlier than 1217. Cf. Duchesne, Christian
Worship, p. 280.
6. Duchesne, ibid., p. 277.
7. O. Marucchi, A. De Waal, F. Grossi-Gondi, P. Styger, and others.
8. According to tradition Paul was executed ad Aquas Sabnaa, which is not
exactly itixta the present basilica.
9. Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, ed. Lipsius, I, 175. Cf. P. Styger, Gli
Apostoli Pietro e Paolo ad Catacumbas, pp. 182-188. Cf. also Lipsius, Die
Apocryphen Aposlelgeschichten und Apostellegenden, II, 391-404.
10. Lipsius, op. cU.y I, pp. 220 f .
11. Cureton, Ancient Syriac Documents, pp. 61 f.
12. Epist. iv, SO, Ewald-Hartmann I, 264 f .
18. Notitia portarum, compiled about the middle of the seventh century.
Cf. Styger, /. c. pp. 194-196.
18a. Itinerarium Salisburgense. Cf. De Bossi, Boma sotterranea, I, 180.
18b. Decree of Indulgence of Leo X. Cf . Grisar, op. ct^. BOmische Quartal-
schrift, 1895, p. 452.
14. Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis^ p. civ.
15. Ilnd., p. xlvi. Duchesne suggests the possibility that the text as it is
given in the Hieronymianum is older than the Philocalian.
16. The Hieronymianum (recension of Auxerre) contains a separate com-
memoration under January 25 of a TranalaHo S, Patdt Apoatolif without any
indication as to where this translation had taken place. But we are now too
well acquamted with the method used by the compilers of martyrologies in
filling the days which had no commemoration to give any importance to
this TrandaUo.
17. Ambrosius, Hymn. x.
17a. lipsius, op. cU., p. 178. The same motive is repeated in the Greek
HpAfcis: Xalpcrc koX d7aXXt&a^c, tri, /leY^Xovs rpcNrrdras ^^iMiiT^ ^ccr.
Ibid., p. 219.
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THE TOBfBS OP PETER AND PAUL 89
18. BasQ of Caesaina wrote agamaiidagam to Dainasus and to the western
epiaoopacj, but his advances were coldly rejected. Some of his letters did not
even get a reply; to another the only answer of Rome was to send Basfl a
dedaration of faith to subscribe. "When one is haughty/' wrote Basil to a
friend, alhiding to the pope, ' Vhen from the height of his throne he refuses to
listen to those who from a humble place tell him the truth, it is impossible
to deal with him about matters of general interest'' (Ep. 215). In another
letter he says: ** Those western people do not know the truth and they do not
want to know it; they are seduced by their false preposessions and dislike
those who tell them the truth. I should like to write to their coryphaeus (the
pope); I would tell him nothing about ecclesiastical matters, because he has
no idea of our true situation and does not care to know what it is, but I would
make him understand that one cannot mistake arrogance for dignity, with-
out committing a sin sufficient to provoke the wrath of God." (Ep. 289.)
19. Basfl was already dead, but, as Duchesne says, his spirit was present
and triumphed in the dogmatic work of the Council.
20. Koi t6ip Xo7t(r/i6y, cbs tfiraiver^, itiAwh.
T( ycSv; MMw/icf /ai) akfituf ir€pirfKntAs
XpiffTov M (rd/Nca royrds i^uop rev yhous
Etiroi rdx' &y ri$. Ma tKmv t6 Op&ffos
*Qs I^^Mias bnadBa koI davobfupos
'Eic roOi' ty€paiS9 ^ M rod atarripla.
Carmen de Vita Sua. 1090-96.
21. The epigram for the Martyr Gorgonius:
Hie qaicumque venit, sanctorum limina querat
inveniet vicina in sede habitare beatoe.
22. Marucchi, La Memoria Apostolorum, m Bullettino di Archeologia
Cristiana, 1917, pp. 51-6S.
22a. An argument in favor of this assumption is afforded by the graffito
DOMVB Psiai which was found on the wall of a chamber under a little chapel
near the Platonia, now itself called Domus Petri (Plate I). This chamber
seems to have been in existence earlier than the basilica. The graffito, how-
ever, seems to have been written not earlier than the fifth century, and there-
fore cannot be considered as reliable testimony to the tradition connecting
Peter with the old Boman villa. See Wflpert and De Waal on the Domut Pefn
in BOmische Quartalschrift, 1912.
28. The remark was made by the architect Gamurrini of Bome in a lecture
given at the Arcadia, July 1, 1917. Gamurrini, who is an authority in archae-
okgy, rejects the tradition that the Apostles were removed ad Catacumbas.
24. Vers la fin du nr* sidde, on voit surgir sur certains points de la chr^ti-
cnt^, des cuHes k qui semUe manquer essentiellement la oonstoaticm de la
tradition vivante. On d^couvre des martyrs inconnus jusque-U, et on se
hftte deleur rendreles honneursdont les autres martyrs 4taient en possession
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90 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
de date imm^omle. Delehaye» Les origines du culte des Martyrs, 1912»
p. 85.
25. Hie multa eorpora sanctonim requisivit et invenit. Liber Pontificalis*
ed. Duchesne, I, 212.
26. Dun, Damasi Epigrammata, 27.
27. Mansi HL, 968, Hefde-Leclerq, Histoire des Conciles, H. 2, p. 129.
28. Delehaye remarks: "L'on reconnaitra aussi que, s'il (Damasus) avajt
voulu rappeler le s^jour de leurs reliques, la tyrannie du m^tre ne Ten aurait
pas emp(6ch6, puisqu*il suffisait, au lieu d*6crire namina, de dire: corpora
quisque Petri.pariter Patdique requiris.'* Ibi/d.^ p. 808.
29. The utterances of the Orientak about the nationality of the Apostles,
mentioned above, may have contributed to the origin of the l^^d. It is
known how the imagination of the people gives a concrete form to ideas and
traditions. It is possible, however, that the legend had an historical founda-
tion in some event which must have occurred in Rome during the first half of
the third century. I propose to deal with this point in a work on the Church of
Rome at the beginning of the third century, which will appear soon.
SO. Delehaye, /. c, pp. S02-308.
81. Ibid.y pp. S5 and 61. Cf. also, Ferrini, De iure sepulchrorum apud
Romanos (Archivio Giuridico, Pisa, 1888), and Wamser, De iure sepulchral!
Romanorum. Darmstadt, 1887.
32. In Rome the cult of the martyrs was started much later than in the
East and in the Church of Africa. There are no traces of such a cult in Rome
before the third or fourth decade of the third century. That explains the
fact that when the Church of Rome thought of commemorating its martyrs
of the first two centuries it had to fix arbitrarily their dies naialiSi because
nobody knew the exact dates. It is not improbable that the commemoration
of the 29th of June in honor of the Apostles was the first to be regularly in-
stituted, and that the date of the institution was recorded (258). I would
suggest, also, that such an institution might have been made not only in imi-
tation of what was done in other churches, and especially in the Church of
Africa, which was in close relation with the Roman Christian community,
but also in consequence of the fact that the Christians were at that time un-
able to visit the tombs of the Apostles. The commemoration ad Catacumbas
was a kind of a substitute for the acts of piety that Christians had been ac-
customed to perform formerly on the apostolic tombs and which now the per-
secution prevented them from accomplishing.
3S. Pio Franchi dei Cavalieri» Studi e Testi Vatk»ni» 27» tasc. 5, pp. 28 ff.
84. ''La translation du pape Zephyrinus n'est point attest^ par les docu-
ments. C'est un postulat de quelques archtologues et nuUement n^cessaire
pour expliquer des faits ^tablis. Delehaye, /. c. p. 77.
$6. (H Silanus, the Philocalian says: '*Hune mariyrem Navaii furaH turd.
That the Novatians, who posed as the guardians of a rigid morality and of
the old traditions, should be guilty of the violation of a tomb, seems impossi-
ble. On the other hand, it is quite natural that their enemies might put in
circulation slanderous accusations against them. It cannot, however, be con-
sidered as an evident fact, especially since as Delehaye remarks : " La mentwn
de r^uip^ dans un document qui n'est qu'une aride nomenclature, prouve
qu'elle ^tait de fraiche date." L. c, p. 78.
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THE TOMBS OP PETER AND PAUL 91
86. The question about the remains of Pope Fabianus is more complex.
The supposed transUtion of them to the Church of Santa Prassede, and later
to that of St. Martin, has been proved to be unhistorical (Silvagni, La Basilica
di S. Martino ai Monti, etc. Rome, 1912); and in any case would fall in a
much later period (ninth century). The liber Pontificalis says that he was
buried in the cemetery of Callistus, and m fact De Rossi found there the
epitaph of Fabianus. The first mention of the removal of the body ol Fa-
bianus ad Catacumbas is to be found in the martyrology called Romanum
Parvum: *' Ramae Fainani jKtpae et mariyris ad vest^^
Now the Romanum Parvum is a forgery due to Adcm, bishop of Vienne, about
the middle of the ninth century, as was clearly demonstrated by Dom Quen-
tin, Les Martyrologes historiques du Moyen Age, Paris, 1908, pp. 408~4M.
The discovery of a body near the tridia ad Catacumbas in 1915, with the
inscription £>. Famanui Martyr ic requiesUy was taken by Styger (R5mische
Quartalsdirift, 1915, pp. 100 ff.) and by Grossi-Gondi (Civiltii Cattolica) as
evidence that the body of Pope Fabianus was really transUted ad Catacum-
bas. But as Professor Buonaiuti (BoQettino di Letteratura Critico-religiosa,
1915, p. 880) remarks, the inscription found on the body does not say that
it was Fabianus the bishop, while such a qualification is alwajrs found in the
epigraphs ol the p<^>e8. Moreover, we find in various documents mention of
a Fabianus Martyr different from the bishop of the same name. And after
all, even granted that the body discovered ad Catacumbas is that of the
pope, its translation would have happened in the ninth century.
97. On the legend of the Quatuor Coronati an exhaustive study was pub-
lished by Pio Franchi dei Cavalieri, Note agiografiche, Fasc. 24, Roma, 1912,
iii, "I Santi Quattro," pp. 57-66, giving evidence that this assumed transla-
tion ol the four Pannonian martyrs never took place, and that during the
sixth century the relics of four unknown martyrs in Rome were identified
with the Quatuor Coronati.
88. The Consuehido Bomana is attested by various documents to have been
in full vigor in the fourth century. When the Basilica of St. Pancratius was
built on the Via Aurdiana, on account of topographic difficulties it was im-
possiUe to orient the church in such a way that the body of the martyr would
be in longitudinal position in rdation with the axis of the building. It would
have been necessary to turn the tomb, and yet it was preferred to sacrifice
the architectural harmony and the tradition rather than touch the tomb.
The body ex Miquo oulaejaeAaiy up to the time of Honorius (625-688), when
the eonsuetudo Romana had already vanished, and the position of the tomb
was changed.
89. In the beginning of the sixth century the emperor Justinian requested
Pope Hormisdas (519-^524) for relics of St. Laurentius, but the legates of
the pope informed him of the oontuetudo Romano^ which was to send the so-
called sanehiaria or brandeOp that it to say pieces of Hnen which had been
dqxMited for a while on the tomb of the martyrs, and to which were attri-
buted the same miraculous powers as to the real relks. On this custom, see
Grisar, Analecta Romana, pp. 712 ff. m reference to the tombs of the Apostles
in Rome.
40. The so-called Cononian abridgment of the part of the Liber Pontificalis
which contains the life ol Damasus mentions (mly the Platonia as a work
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92 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
erected under Damasus ad Catacumbas; but a kier redaction (Neapolitan
1188.) attributes to Damaaua the erection of the basilica. This question gave
rise to long debates among archaeologists, and it cannot be considered as
settled. But there is no doubt that the basilica belongs to the second half
of the fourth century.
41. The peribolos was later called matronsum^ or place reserved to the
women.
4St. Platoniap jJatomap or pUduma is a low Latin word, the derived like
pbaea, from the concept of space (irXar6s)» and means a slab, or rather a space
covered with marble slabs. De Rossi, Roma Sotterranea» I, 241. It was
rather recently that this name was given to the crypt, when it was thought
to be the Platomum of Damasus.
48. Originally they were twelve, but one was destroyed in opening the
new entrance, and the two on the left side were added by closing a door on the
wall.
44. De Waal, Die Apostdgruft ad Catacumbas, 1894, and BOmische
Quartalschrift, 1915, p. 146.
45. O. Fasiolo, La pianU di S. Sebastiaao, BSmische Quartalschrift, 1915,
pp. 218-214.
46. Grossi-Gondi, in CiviltiL Cattolica, 1918, 8, pp. 588 ff. Such a theory,
which is untenable after the excavations of 1919, was even from the beginning
contested. See the letter of Professor Giovenale in BuUettino della Com-
missbne archeologica comunale di Roma, 1917, pp. 148 ff.
47. The first of these columbaria seems to have been the property of a
eoUegiumfuneraiicivmy of the first or second century, but later had been used
for inhumations. O. Fasiolo, /. c, p. 218.
48. The tridiaet or alogiae, or pergulae, were frequent in the precincts of
the Roman tombs. See a series of texts in Styger, l. c, pp. 156-158. In
Africa they were of a rather simpler type and were called metuae. It seems,
however, that there also the iridiae were common near Christian cemeteries
and basilicas. Augustine mentions a BagUiea tridiarvm (Enarratio in Ps.
xxxii. Sermo ii, 29). Cf. Grossi-Gondi, CiviltiL Cattolica, 1917, 8, p. 521.
49. This tridia ad Catacumbas is the first to be discovered in condition
good enough to give us an idea of the plan and the arrangement of such
places.
50. The excavations and discoveries relating to classic art and non-Christ-
ian archaeology are carried on by the Italian R. Commission of Archaeology,
and are iUustrated in the Natme degli Soaoi and the MonvmenH of the lincei.
50a. In one of these columbaria an inscription was found with the name of
one *Xallistus Lnperatoris Caesaris Vespasiani Servus." It was surmised
that probably the villa and the fields surroundhig it were property of the
Christian branch of the Flavii, since the cemetery of Domitilla began not
very far from there. (Maruochi, Bull. Archeol. Crist., 1917, p. 5fi). Others,
on the contrary, thought of the family of the Uranii, because among the
ruins of an old mausoleum dose to the northern walls of the basilica,
an architrave was found in which were engraved in large letters the name,
VBANioBum. To his family belonged Ambrose of Milan and hu brother
Uranius Satyrus. Grossi-Gondi, CiviltiL Cattolica, 1917, 2, p. 598).
51. O. Marucchi, BuUettino di Archeologia Christiana, 1919, pp. 7-9.
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THE TOMBS OP PETER AND PAUL 98
51a« One ol Maruochi's capital arguments is his mteipretation of the i>aint-
ingB in the vauh of the biiomvs, or double sarcophagus, which he identifiei
with the Platomum built by Damasus as a cenotaph to commenuvate the
Apostles' temporary burial ad Catacumbas. The paintings have almost com-
pletely disappeared, but in the traces stiU apparent Maruochi recognises the
figures of Christ and the twdve Apostles. De Waal, on the ccmtrary, sees
in them the figures of Christ, of the Martyr Quirinus, and other unknown
personages. Probably there will be no way of settling this question. Ceno-
tMpha in honor of the Apostles were built by Constantine in his Basilica ol
the Apostles in Constantinople, following the ancient custom which dedicated
cenotaphs to heroes buried in far away places; but a cenotaph of Peter and
Paul in Bome, a few miles from their real tombs, does not seem to be in har-
mony with the prevalent ideas of the times. Moreover, it seems quite cer-
tain, from the description in the mediaeval documents which have preserved
its text, that Damasus' inscription was not in the Hatonia. To imagine that
it had been already removed from its original place, is only an arbitrary
assumption.
52. List and facsimiles of them in Styger, L e., pp. 81-94.
5S. Some of them contain Latin words m Grreek letters.
54. Classification of the graffiti in Grossi-Gondi, Civiltii Cattolica, 1917, 8,
p. 521.
55. Ibid., p. 167.
56. The verb rrfrigero is used by classic vrriters and is found also in pagan
inscriptions.
57. In the translations of the Bible, like» '* Justus si morte preoocupatus
fuerit, in refrigerio erit," Ps. 65, 11. In Christian Latin literature: "Meli-
ores fieri ooguntur qui eis credunt, metu aetemi supplicii et spe aetemi re-
frigerii," Tert. Apol. 89. la Christian luscriptions, De Bossi, patnm. Cf .
Grossi-Gondi, B Befrigerium in onore dei SS. Apostoli, BOmische Quartal-
schrift, 1915, pp. %Statr9M.
58. Passio SS. Peipetuae et Felicitatis: Quid utique non permittis nobis
refrigerare, etc.
59. Inscription in Pompei. Giomale degli Scavi, 1869, i, p. 242.
60. Orelli, Inscr. Lat. Coll. n. 2417. Styger, I. o,
61. Epist. xxix, 11.
62. Marucchi, BuUettmo di Arch. Crist. 1916, p. 18, and 1920, p. 20.
68. Grossi-Gondi, BSmische Quartalschrift, 1915, p. 242.
6Sa. According to Marucchi (BuUettino di Archeologia Cristiana, 1917,
p. 57) the bodies of the Apostles were removed from the place ad Catacumbas
to their Ml tombs during the pontificate of Dionysius, when the cemeteries
were given back to the Church (260 a.d.). De Bossi (Inscr. Christ. 11, p. 281-
282) had already come to the conclusion on archaeological evidence that the
tomb of Peter at the Vatican was not disturbed when the basilica was built
on that site by Ccmstantine. Its supposed removal from the [dace ad Cata-
cumbas must have happened before the peace of the Church.
64. Peristephancm x, 169-172 and xi, 198-194. Dressel, pp. 65 and 450.
64a. Professor Buonaiuti (BoUettmo di Letteratura Critico-religiosa,
1915, p. 878), called the attention to the fact that the rrfrigenum or agape,
though an adaptation of the pagan parenUdia, yet was not absolutely con-
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94 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
nected with the tomb» but only with the memory of the martyrs, and oould
be celebrated outside the sepulchral precinct. Such was the case with the
conunemorations of the martyrs mentioned by Cyprian, as to be odebrated
by himself while far from Carthage and from their tombs (£p. 12,ed.Hartel):
^'celebrentur a nobis oblationes et sacrificia." Buonaiuti thinks that Ma^
Hones here means agape, as in Tertullian's passage: "Oblationes pro de-
functis, pro nataliciis annua die facimus'' (De Corona, S). Moreover, it
seems from St. Augustine's sermons (IS, 805, 810) that agapes in honor of
Cyprian were celebrated in three different places, and not only at his tomb
in Carthage. To these arguments Grossi-Gondi replied at a great length
(Rdmische Quartalschrift, 1915, pp. 281 ff.) insistmg on the strictly sepul-
chral character of the agape-refrigerium. This reply, however, still leaves
room for doubt, and the impossibility of agapes in honor of the nuirtyrs cele-
brated outside their sepulchral precincts is far from demonstrated.
65. From what we know about the abuses which are so energetically de-
plored by Augustine in his famous letter to Aurelius of Tagaste, by the un-
known author of the De Dupliei Martyrio, and by the passage quoted above
from Paulinus of Nola, such misunderstandings were far from uncommon, but
can hardly be imagined to have in^ired all the visitors of the tridia.
66. A description of this banquet in Paulinus of Nola, Epist. ziii.
67. The paintings found in the tombs around the deep cavity represent
funereal banquets.
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NOTES
SmON, CEPHAS, PETER
It is generally held that these three names apply to one person, who
was the chief of the Twelve Apostles and the first witness to the Resur-
rection. It is, of course, recognized that there was another apostle
named Simon, but he plays only a small part in Christian tradition.
The object of this note is to collect and discuss the evidence that
suggests the existence of another tradition which separated Peter from
Cephas, and — though the evidence for this point is less good —
possibly did not regard Peter but some other Simon as the first witness
to the risen Lord. It is not intended to increase knowledge but
rather to suggest doubt.
According to all the traditions, beginning with that of Mark, Simon
was the name of a fisherman on the Sea of Galilee who followed Jesus.
He is called by that name in Mark 1, 16 and in M^rk 1, 29 f. But ac-
cording to Mark 8, 16 when Jesus appointed the Twelve he gave
Simon the name of Peter. The text (jcal hvitifftp Toi>s 5<2)^a, Kal kwi-
OtlKey infoiia r$ ^ifuavi Hhrpov^ Koi *l6Mafiov k. r. X.) is remarkably clumsy,
and if there were any evidence one might suspect that the words xal
. . . Zifuavi were an interpolation. But Matthew has straightened
out the Greek, and speaks of Xifuay 6 \ey6fjLGfos Ukxpos (10, 2), and Luke
also straightens out the construction with the same statement that
Simon was called Peter. Thus there is no reason to doubt the uni-
versal tradition that there were two Simons among the list of the
disciples and that one of them was called Peter; but was either of
these Simons the first witness of the risen Lord? According to Luke
M, 84 the first person to see the risen Lord was Simon, but it is not
clear whether this means Simon Peter or some other Simon. The
point is one of considerable textual difficulty; in most of the manu-
scripts we read that the two disciples who had gone to Emmaus had
returned to Jerusalem where th^ found rovs h^d&ca Kal tovs <rvv ain-ols
X^yorras &n 6vT(as irf^P^ ^ icOptos Kal &<ii$ri XLfuayi. It that text is right,
Luke is referring in this incredibly casual manner to the first appear-
ance of Jesus, of which he gives absolutely no description. There is
therefore not a little to be said in favor of the other reading of Xkyovres
for X47oi^as, found in Codex Bezae and implied by Origen, which
must mean that Simon was one of the two who went to Emmaus and
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96 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
saw Jesus on the road. But in this case Simon cannot be Simon Peter,
for the text states that the two who returned to Jerusalem found the
eleven, which must include Peter, gathered together in that city. It
would be foolish to suggest that this view ought to be adopted, but it
suffices to show that the question of the identification of Simon with
Peter is not quite so clear as it seems at first.
The question of Cephas is even more difficult, as will be seen if the
evidence be taken in approximately chronological order. The apostle
Peter is only mentioned once in the Pauline Epistles; Cephas is men-
tioned eight times. Does Paul mean that they are the same person?
In the Epistle to the Galatians ^ he writes . . . Mun-es 5rt Tcri^rcv/iai
t6 €bayyk\tov Trjs iLKpoPwrrias KaSd^s H^pos t$s Tepiroiirjsy ^ 7^ htpy^as
Ukr/xa €ls inroffTciMiv Trjs xcptro/i^s b^ffyriiT& Kcd kfu>l ds rd Wmiy koX yv^ttres
rfjv xkfMf Hiv Mtla&v iioiy 'Idxai/Sos koL Ei/^as koX 'I&ydvin/s, cl SoKOwres
(TTvKot cTvat, defies UosKav l/xot . . . x. r. X. Is it Paul's intention to
identify Peter and Cephas? To call the same man by two names in
the same sentence is, to say the least, a curious device, and Clement
of Alexandria is quoted by Eusebius * as believing that Cephas is in-
tended to be different from Peter; he suggests that he was one of the
Seventy. The Epistola Apostolorum and the Egyptian KO go fur-
ther and produce a list of the Twelve containing the names of both
Peter and Cephas.
A similar conclusion might well be reached by a consideration of
Corinthians 15, 5, where in recording the appearance of the risen Lord
Paul says . . . 6^ Ki70$, dra vols dd)6€Ka . . . ic. r. X. It is, of
course, possible that Cephas is included in the Twelve, but if one
had no other information, it would probably be natural to conclude
that he was not, in which case he was certainly not identical with
Peter.
Why then has Christian tradition so completely lost sight of these
doubts, which were clearly present in various forms to Clement of
Alexandria and to the still earlier writer of the Epbtola Apostolorum?
The answer is that the Fourth Gospel definitely states in John 1, 4S
that Cephas is Peter — <ri> d 'Lliuav b vlbs 'IcDdvpov, ch KKrfi^<rg Ei/^os
6 ipfiriveOerai Ukrpos. So long as it was believed that the Fourth
Gospel was written by one of the Twelve, a contemporary of Peter
^ Gaktiaiu 2, 7 ff .
* ElU, Eod. Hist. i. 1% 2. i| i' Uropla rcM>d KM/Acrrt xard r^ TifirrtiP rOtf *T«vrv-
T^anf, bffiKaX Kiy^oy, Ttpl 66 4^uf 6 Ua&yn, 6rc 6k 4X09 Ksy^ |c(t 'Ayn^umM xardi
rvYX^ann-a r^ kwoar6\^.
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NOTES 97
and a disciple of Jesus, it was reasonable to accept this as final.^ But
for those who take a very diflferent view of the Fourth Gospel it is not
unreasonable to ask wl^ they ou|^t not to share the doubts of Cle-
ment and the Epistola. The answer is that we are influenced* and
probably ought to be influenced* by a combination of the fact that the
Gospel of Mark when it breaks off seems to be leading up to an ap-
pearance of Jesus to Peter, and that Paul says that the first appear-
ance of Jesus was to Cephas; ergo, Peter is Cephas. This is no doubt
a reasonable proposition, but it is just as well to understand that it
does not rest on the strongest possible authority, for Paul nowhere
says that Peter b Cephas, though conunentators have the bad habit *
(to which I plead guilty myself) of constantly talkiiig of Peter when
he says Cephas, and Mark never speaks of Cephas at all.
K Lake.
FOURTEEN GENERATIONS: 490 YEARS
An Explanation of the Genealoot of Jesus
*'So the whole number of generations from Abraham to David is
fourteen generations, and from David to the deportation to Babylon
fourteen generations, and from the dqM>rtation to Babylon to the
Messiah fourteen generatiQns." Matt. 1 , 17.
The diflSculties presented by the genealogies of Jesus in Matthew
and Luke, whether examined separately or compared with each other,
were early remarked, and the discussion of them is a voluminous
chapter in Christian literature.' The question why the generations
are divided into three periods was raised by Chrysostom in a sermon
on Matt. 1, 17 {In Matt. Horn. iv). The Jews, he says, had in these
periods successively three different forms of government, aristocracy,
> It is an interesting speculation to ask why Qement did not hold this view. The
answer is partly that he wished to save Peter's reputation at the expense of Cephas, who
was onty one of the Seventy, partly perhaps that he knew Greek a little better than
most men and felt better the inq>lication of Paul's words. But I wish we knew more
about the text of the Fourth Gospd used by Clement.
* A consideration of the textual phenomena in the Epistle to the Galatians shows
that this bad habit is not confined to modem commentators.
* Fkiederidi Spanhdm (1000-1649), m his Dubia EvangeHea (1080), deals with no
less than twenty-riz sudi problems in Matt. 1, i-vr, at a length of 915 solid and solidly
learned page&
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98 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
monarchy, and oligarchy, and were as bad under the last as under the
first ; the captivity itself had failed to work amendment. It was ereiy-
way necessary that Christ should come.' Spanheim ingeniously re-
calls the parable in Luke 20^ IHIS: after the failure of three missions,
God at last sent his son.
Much more to the point than this insinuation of the incorrigibility
of the Jews is an explanation which Spanheim adopts from Jansen: ^
It was to indicate that at the time of Jesus' birth, fourteen generations
after the beginning of the exile, a great change, a new order of things,
was imminent, such as had happened at the end of each preceeding
period of fourteen generations — the establishment of the kingdom
fourteen generations after Abraham; its fall fourteen generations
after David. This next great change, according to common Jewish
expectations, was the coming of the Messiah; and precisely at this
critical moment in history was bom, as the title of our genealogy em-
phasizes, '* Jesus Christ (the Messiah), the son of David, the son of
Abraham" (Matt. 1, i). To this verse 17 returns: '^ From the de-
portation to Babylon to the Messiah, fourteen generations.*'
That this was the intention of the author seems dear. But why
each of the three periods should be measured hy fourteen generations
is not thus explained. It is true that the fourteen generations from
Abraham to David correspond to the genealogies in the Old Testa-
ment, and are eniuierated in precisely the same way in Jewish Bsts
which count fifteen to Solomon;^ while for the third period, from
the point where the genealogy of Jesus branches off from the lists in
Chronicles in the third generation after the exile (Abiud the son of
' Similariy Theophylact in loe., quoted by Spanheim, Dubium X9. (Cur Matthaeus
cap. 1. 17 partiatur Genealogiam Christi in oertaa tessaradecades, et quidem in tres: et
cur eas per Aycuw^aXaftfyiy peculiarem collectas Lectori proponat?)
' Corn. Janaen, Comm. in suam Concofdiam, etc., c. 6 (Louvain 1578, p. 49): "Ideo
autem in tres quaterdenas Clmsti genealogiam Matthaeus dividit, ut ostendat sicat
ab Abraham usque ad transmigrationem Babylonia bis mutatus est status Judaeorum,
binis quaterdenis oompletis: ita et tertiam illam mutationem status Judaeorum, quae
ab eis post transmigrationem ezpectabatur futura per Messiam oonvenienter fiactam
post tertiam ab Abraham tesseradecadem, ipsumque Messiam tunc nasd ddboiase,
ac sic Jesum Mariae filium* qui finis est tertiae tesseradecadis, esse ezpectatum Mes-
siam magis credibile faciat Deinde ut ostenderet* sicut fticfviit quatuordedm gaia-
erationes ab Abraham usque ad David, in quo ooiepit stabile et liberum Judaeomm
regnum, et deinde rursum quatuordedm generatlones a Davide usque ad deliquhmi
regni, hoc est, ezilium Babylonicum: ita ab hoc rumun tantae usque ad novam i^gai
Daiadis restauiationem fuisse qutftupidecim generatiotaes. £z qobus constat qoaie
et Davidem regem vocat, et mentiqpiem fadat transmigratioDis Babylonioae."
« PedkU (ed. Buber) f . 58a.
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NOTES 99
Zoubbabd), there is nothing to compare it with. But the fourteen
generations of the kingdom are strikingly at variance with the record
of succession in the Book of Kings — '* Why did he skip three kings?"
asks Chiysostom, and commentators and apologists have exercised
themselves on the question ever since.
The omission of the three kings is by no means the only discrepan<7
between the genealogy in Bfatthew and its sources; but it has always
been recognized as the gravest, for the kings thus passed over are not
obscure or ephemeral rulers. Joash, Amaoah, and Acariah (Uzdah)
are, on the contrary, very prominent figures in the history of Judah,
the record of whose eventful reigns may be read at large in 2 Kings
11-15,* and who, according to the chronology of the book, occupied
the throne for 121 years (40 + 29 + 52). At the end of his list,
again, he makes Jeconiah (Jehoiachin) the son of Josiah instead of
his grandson, omitting Jehoiakim.^ By itself this might perhaps be
ascribed to a confusion of the two names such as occurs in Greek
manuscripts of the Old Testament and elsewhere; but taken in con-
nection with the previous omission of the three kings, it is more
probabty to be attributed to the same intention, namely to make the
period of the monarchy fall within exactly fourteen generations, like
that which preceded it.*»
Mere love of symmetry can hardly have been the sole motive for
so violent a curtailment of the history; it is more likely that the
number fourteen had an intrinsic significance for the author and a
decisive importance for his purpose in compiling the geneal<^y. This
purpose was not simply to trace the lineage of Jesus back to David
in the royal line, showing that as a descendant of David he possessed
one of the necessary qualifications of the Messiah according to pro-
phecy and universal expectation — a qualification which he shared
with many others who claimed descent from David. For this pur-
pose it was superfluous to continue the line back to Abraham — that
David was descended from Abraham required no geneaological dem-
onstration — and the i^ymmetrical periodization of the history would
be meaningless. The symmetry of the genealogy was meant to
|»ove, as Jansen saw, that the time for the advent of the Messiah
^ See abo 2 Chion. 82» ifrHW, ts.
• 2K]]i0i5tt,M-ft4,0; Jer.86.
** A genealogy of the Meaiiah ii given, in Tandnmia, Toledoth c. 90, ed. Buber,
f . 70 a-b. Hie royal line ii followed from David tluough Zerabbabel. From that
point on tke geneal<^ in Chranidei is transcribed, leading to Anani (the doud
man, 1 Chron. S, S4), who is the Messiah according to Dan. 7, IS.
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100 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
had come, and that Jesus, who was bom just at this point, was the
Messiah.
It was the general belief of the Jews that in his plan for the history
of his people and of the world God had det»mined not only the events
in their succession, but the times at which th^ should come to pass;
and especially that the great epochs in history, such as the end of
their long subjection to the heathen powers and the coming of the
promised golden age, were unalterably fixed. They beUeved also that
God had revealed through the prophets certain signs which foreboded
the approaching crisb; th^ made catalogues, so to speak, of these
signs, and scanned the horizon of the times for their appearance.
From the second century before our era, at least, th^ combined with
such prognostications an attempt to ascertain the date more exactly
by numerical calculations based on scripture, as in Daniel and Enoch,
and thereafter in apocalypses almost universally.
Daniel, taking the seventy years of Jeremiah (S5, 12 ff.; £9, 10 ff.)
as seventy weeks of years (70 X 7), operates with a pycle of four
hundred and ninety years, dividing the history into three unequal
periods (7 + 02 + 1)»^ upon the last of which the golden age was to
follow. Enoch has the same pyde in the vision of the seventy
shepherds (89,50-90,25), symmetrically divided (12 + 2S, 23 + 12);
here also the golden age, with the Messiah, immediately follows (90,
28—38).* Both Daniel and Enoch take the beginning of the exile
as the terminua a quo for their reckoning, and count from that point
four hundred and ninety years to the end of the period in which they
were living, an end which they believed to be imminent.
The motive of these calculations in the first instance was to prove
that the end of the evil time in which the apocalypses were written
was close at hand — the widespread apostasy, the cessation of
sacrifice and desecration of the temple, the persecution for religion's
sake. In less troubled days men turned to them for an answer to the
question when the golden age — however they imagined it — was to
begin. Christians had another interest in them; namely to prove
that their Messiah, Jesus of Nazareth, came precisely at the time
Sxed in prophecy for the beginning of a new era. The attempt to
7 Dan. 9, S4 ff .
• In the so-called apocalypBe of the ten weeks (Enoch 9S; 91, n-vr), whidi divides
the history of the world, past and future, from the creation to the last Judgment, into
ten "weeks," the weeks are probably periods of 490 years. A golden age (the eighth
week) follows the a|KMtasy of the seventh (coming down to the Hellenistic age). The
dose of the tenth brings tiie great judgment. The three last (8r~10) lie in the author's
future.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
NOTES 101
demonstrate this from the seventy weeks of Daniel occupies a large
space in the history of Christian apologetic*
In the light of what has been observed above and of this apologetic
motive, it is probable that the ^'fourteen generations *' from the depor-
tation to the birth of Christ are meant to cover exactly the four
hundred and ninety years which according to Daniel and Enoch were
to elapse between the beginning of the exile and the inauguration of
the new era; and, assuming that the author took the length of a
generation at thirty-five years, his fourteen generations give exactiy
the necessary number (S5 X 14 - 490).
The use of generations as the basis of a schematiced chronology is
common. Hecataeus of Miletus and other Greek logographers de-
rived their chronology in this way from genealogies, reckoning forty
years to a generation. Herodotus calculates how long it was from
the first king of Egypt to Sethos (ca. 700 b.c.) from the state-
ment of the priests that between the two there were three hundred
and forty-one generations of high priests, and «cacdy as many of
kings. He counts three generations to a century, and thus obtains
11,840 years for the duration of the period. The ^stematic chrono-
logy of the Old Testament historical books employs periods of four
hundred and eighty years, or twelve generations of forty years each.
Apart from this chronological scheme, which appears to have been
imposed on the history in the sixth century, there is no evidence in
the Old Testament that a generation was reckoned at forty years;
and to infer from it that the Jews at the beginning of the Christian
era counted thus is as unwarranted as it would be to make a similar
generalization for the Greeks from the chronology of Hecataeus.
Herodotus cotmts, as we do, three generations to the century; ^*
but the century had no such significance for the Jews at any time as
it had for the Greeks and their successors, and it is for this reason
unlikely that the Jews fixed the length of a generation at a third of
a century. It would be much more natural for them to divide the
* Tlie older interpretationB in thu ieiue — Hippolyl^, Julius Afncanus, Clement,
Origen, Tertullian, Eusebius -— are quoted at length by Jerome in his commentary
on Dan. 9. To these may be added Jerome himaelf, Ghiysostom (Adv. Judaeos ii),
and Aphraates (Demonatratio 88). A ''futorist" inteipretation seems to have been
Brst proposed by ApoUinarius of Laodicea (quoted by Jerome, «. «.).
'* An«yther estimate, thirty years, based on physiological considerations is ascribed
by Plutarch to Heraditus, and later became common. The same reasons for it are
set forth by Porphyry, Quaut. Homer. 14 (on Diad i, 850), quoted by Wettstein on
Matt 1, 17.
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102 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
seventy years of normal human life by two, giving a gencamtion of
thirty-five years, which is dose enough to the average as far as com-
mon observation goes, and keeps the generation in its proper genealo-
gical relation. An example in which a generation is reckoned at
thirty-five years is Job 42, 16, where it is said that after his rehabili-
tation '' Job lived a hundred and forty years, and saw his sons and
his son's sons, four generations." ^ If Matthew meant his fourteen
generations to fill four hundred and ninety years, he was reckoning
in the same way. It is, therefore, not an objection to our hypothesis
that it requires us to assume a generation of thirty-five years.
The fourteen generations in each of the two preceding periods, from
Abraham to David and from David to the deportation, must be
meant to give the same measure of time, four hundred and ninety
years. The duration of the latter period agrees tolerably wdl with
the chronology of the historical books, which gives four hundred and
eighty years from the buQding of Solomon's temple to the return from
the exile; from the accession of David to the beginning of the exile
would be about the same.
To express this in terms of generations, however, the author is
compelled to do such violence to the history as has been noted above.
From Abraham to David he had the fourteen generations giveA
him; but here he was compelled to ignore the biblical chronology,
which allows four hundred and eighty years from the exodus to the
building of Solomon's temple alone (1 Ejngs 6, i), to say nothing ol
the time between Abraham and the exodus."
Hie really important thing for the author are the four hundred and
ninety years that end with the birth of Christ. By our drnmology,
based on the canon of Ptolemy, there is a discrepancy here oi a whole
century, for Jehoiachin was deported to Babylon in 507 b.o. Such a
comparison is unreasonable; the Jews, who, until the Sdeudd era
came into use, had no fixed era, and no canon <si Ptolemy, were
widely at sea in the chronology d these centuries. There was no
native succession of rulers before the Asm<«uieans; the records ot
the priests were doubtless destroyed when Antiochus Epiphanes
sacked the temple and converted it into a temple of Zeus. Their own
historical books, with the exception of the brief episode of Ezra and
" A mediaeval Jewish interpreter, Iiaac ibn Jaaot, inCetted that wherever a geiiH»-
tioB ie tpokai of in the Bible, it ia to be taken as thirty-five yean, for whidi baity
genetaliaaHon he ia caitigatfid by Ibn Earn.
» Rnd. IS, 40givea(intheprBMSEitHebiewtest)4a0yeantotheaojouninKgr9t;
Gen. 15, as a round 400. Cf. Gal. S, it; Acts 7, e.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
NOTES 108
Nchcmiah, wete a blank from the restoration of the temple " to the
iham of Alezander* and there end. The *' seventy weeks** of Daniel,
to the predicted fall of Antiochus Epiphanes, whatever terminus a quo
be takoi for Dan. 9, S5, are from fifty to seventy years too long; for
the Christian interpretation, which finds its ad quern at the birth or
at the death of Christ,^^ they are not long enough by a hundred years
or more. The Talmudic chronology in Seder 01am Rabbah 28,
which makes the seventy weeks stretch from the first destruction oi
the temple to the second ^* (seventy years the temple lay in ruins, it
stood after it was rebuilt four hundred and twenty years), is in the
same case: its four hundred and ninety years are by our chronology
a hundred and sixty-six years too short.^^ Even if the Jews had had
more accurate knowledge of dates in the Persian and Greek periods
than they possessed, chronology could never be allowed to contradict
the sure word of prophecy.
The fact that four hundred and ninety years bring us, according
to em reckoning, only to 96 B.C. does not therefore militate against
the intention of the genealogy to bring them down to the birth of
Christ; and it can at least be said that in measuring them as a whole
by fourteen generations the author did not involve himself in a
whole aeries of intermediate conflicts with ascertained dates such as
appear in the more detailed chronology of the Seder 01am.
Geobge F. Moobs.
CAiomrooa, BfAss.
THE MEANING OF JOHN XVI, ft-11
Kftl MC^v kc(FOf iXiy^ft tAp K6eiia» T€pl d/ut/»r£af xal rcpt iucoioe^miis Kui
VM^ Kpleeus' rcpt d/utpr£af /lir, 5ri eb TtereboeeiP cb kfji' w§pl tucmwebmiit
Ut in rpdf rdr xaripa briuyia ical oMrt BetapArk put- rcpl 8i KpHeeutt 5ri 6
9^XUiw roO nbeiuM roinw KkKfurai.
In aU the English versions except the Bheims New Testament of
15M lucauNT^ in this passage is translated * righteousness.' The
u Jb our ehronolosy 516 b.c.
^ Or tks deftructkin of J<niasl«n, or even the war mder Hadrian ■
» Inoiirdates, 58dB.c. to70Aj>.
» IaalatcrcluipUr(aO)Uie8edBrOIamipecifiei: for the duration of PeniMi rale
after the reitoiatien ol the teni|ile 84 yeers; for the dominion of the Greeks. 180;
AeaMMweaae 108; Herod and hie rocceeiore 108, or lao years in ell; which with the 70
of the exile meke 400.
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104 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
RJieims translators, who based their work on the Vulgate, wrote
' justice ' wherever they found itutitia in the Latin text before them; ^
and hence ducaunrivn in verses 8 and 10 is rendered * justice/ Which-
ever way the word is translated, John 16, S-iO probably conveys no
definite meaning whatever to most readers of the English Bible.
The commentators agree in taking BucauHrlnni in the sense of * right-
eousness,' understanding it as the opposite of iLiiapTia. The Paraclete
will convict the world, i.e., all those who are alienated from God and
opposed to Christ, concerning the three ** cardinal elements in the
determination of man's spiritual state." * Or, as a more recent com-
mentator puts it, sin, righteousness, and judgment are among the
things with which the Christians had chiefly to deal in the conflict with
their opponents. In regard to these the Paraclete will deliver au-
thoritative pronouncements and maintain the cause of the disciples
against the world.' What then is meant by righteousness here? West-
cott understands it in the widest sense: ** In Christ was the one ab-
solute type of righteousness; from him a sinful man must obtain
ri^teousness/' ^ M^er, B. Weiss, and others refer it to the ri^t-
eousness or moral perfection of Jesus.* His departure from the earth
and presence with the Father are the proof of his righteousness.*
The present writer believes that another and a better interpretation
of John 16, s-ii can be given. The office of the Paraclete, according
to the Fourth Gospel, is the twofold one of convicting the world and
of guiding the disciples into all the truth. In the verses quoted above
the first part of the Paraclete's function is described, namely that of
convicting the world. 'E'XkyxttP means properly to convince or bring
home something to one; often, as in the present case, it signifies
to confute or to convict. Aucauxrinmi in the Lxx and in the New
Testament has two closely related meanings — 'righteousness* or
^ Tlie Vulgate renden Bucawaimi by iiuUHa everywhere except in Acts 17, si and
R4»n. S^ 10. In Rev. 8£, ll, where the best manuacaipta read tustiiiam faeiat, the text
used by the RheuDs translaton, like the standard edition of the Vulgate (1592), had
iuttificttufm
* Westcott, rAtfO^w^M^ oooordiii^ to St. JoAn (1900), p. 228. It should be noted that
the Paradete is not the disciples' comforter. He is God's al^vocate in the world on
bdialf of the truth, just as Christ is the bdievers' advocate in the presence of the
Father (cf. 1 John 2, i).
* Walter Bauer in lietxmann's Handbtich Mum N. T„ II, ii (1912), p. 149.
< Westcott, op. ett., p. 229.
' Cf. M^er, Cimmmlary on the N. T., Qotpd of John (Eng. tr.) II (1881), p. 268;
B. Weiss in M^er's Kommeniar, Jokatmu-Evanfidium, 8th ed. (1898), pp. 528 f.
* Euthymius Zigabenus says: 5ucaiov ydip yp^tfiiafta rd wopttftaBm rpdt ndr isAr koI
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NOTES 105
* moral excellence/ and ' justification ' or ' acquittal/ ^ The word
occurs only here in the Fourth Gospel, and in view of the context it
seems to be used in the forensic sense of justification or acquittal.*
Kplffis takes its color from the context. It properly means ' judg-
ment** but sometimes, as in the passage before us, it denotes advo^e
judgment or condemnation.
The IXcy(is which the Paraclete is to effect at his coming will be
threefold {rtpl d/iapr(as icaX rtpl ^cuoo^nys xal T€pl KfiUrem)^ and in
eadi case the world will be convicted. It will be brought to recognize
three things by the power of the Paraclete: First, that it has sinned
because it has not believed in Christ; second, that believers are justi-
fied or acquitted because Christ has gone to the Father to act as their
advocate (irapd«Xi|TOf ); * and third, that evil has been condemned be-
cause the ruler of this world (the devil) has been condemned. The
whole context is forensic. 'A/uiprla, SucouMr^, and xplo-is are contrasted
with one another, as the particles gih ... 5^ ... 5^ show; but
there is no special emphasis on the contrast between d/iaprla and
iuauoirinni. The sin of the world in not believing in Christ, the justi-
fication, or acquittal; of believers through the advocacy of Christ in
heaven> and the condenmation of evil in the person of the devils are
the three points of the contrast.
The justification, or acquittal, here mentioned is not justification
by faith, as in the Epistles of Paul, though his use of BucauxHnni to
denote the sinner's acquittal was no doubt familiar to the author of
the Fourth Gospel. It is rather the Johannine form of the doctrine
of justification, according to which the believer is justified, or acquitted
of his sins, through the pleading of Christ as his advocate In the pres-
ence of the Father in heaven. The Fourth Evangelist, like the Apostle
Paul, expresses by means of a forensic figure the Christian's experi-
ence of forgiveness.
WiLUAM H. P. Hatch
Tbb Epucqpal Theological School
GAMBBn>oa» Mabb.
' On the meaning of Suuuoainni see J. H. Ropes, '''Righteousness' and 'The Rightr
eonsness of God' in the Old Testament and in St. Paul" in the Journal of Biblical
Literature, xxii (1908), pp. 211 £F.
* AucmoHfni occurs three times in the First Epistle oi John (2,t9; S, 7* lo), and in
each case with the verb wouir (rfxx nvy or p^ ^Jft)-
* Cf. 1 John 2, 1. According to Rom. 8^ ssr. the Spirit makes interoessbn in behalf
of the saints.
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106 HABVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
THE MEDICAL LANGUAGE OF HIPPOCRATES
In my ** Style and litoraiy Method of Luke " I have argued that
the attempt to confirm by means of so-caUed tedmical medical terms
the tradition that Luke and Acts were written by a physician has
failed to establish the presence in these writings of words that were
not used freely also by non-medical writers. Indeed, the attempt was
bound to fail for the reason that unlike the present medical profes-
sion the ancient physician scarcely had a technical vocabulary at all.
As Professor G. F. Moore there pointed out (pp. 58 f.), while modem
medical terminology is largely made up of foreign wordi, the scien-
tific words of the Greeks were native to the living language and con-
genial for ordinary use. To support this Galen's statement was
quoted (p. 64» n. 91), that for the sake of deamess he preferred to
employ, not unfamiliar terms, but those which the bulk of pe(q>le are
accustomed to use. I would now add that Galen makes the same
daim for the linguistic practice of EBppocrates, his famous predeces-
sor. In Comm. Hipp, de Epidemiis iii, 8£ (ed. Kuhn XVU. i. 678)
Gralen says: i ykp roi rov ^HpcucXcUoi; vlM Imroicp&nis . . . ^olperoi
owifiwrkriM re Kal M rc^ko ffoj^kffi rots Mfituri K€XPfiyik»ciSt A icaXciy Ifef
ktrrl Tois l^opucois xoXirucd.
Hbnbt H. Cadburt
Ansovkb Thbological Smnr abt
Cambbtooi, Mass.
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BOOKS RECEIVED
Thsibm in Medibfax. India. By J. EMin Carpenter. (Hibbert Lectures.
Seocmd Series.) Laadan: Williams & Norgate. 1921. Pp. viii, 56%.
sh. 24 net.
The Thibtben Principal Upanishads. Translated from the Sanskrit, with
an Outline of the Philosophy of the Upan^hads and an annotated Bibli-
ography. By Robert EmeH Hume. London: Humphrey Milford, Oxford
University Press. 1921. Pp. zvi» 589.
La Phii/msofeis Modkbnb defcib Bacon jubqu'a Leebniz. Par Qaston
SortaU, S. J. Tome premier. Paris: Lethielleuz. 1920. Pp. x, 592.
80 f r.
Pascal. Von Karl Bomhauaen. Basel: Friedrich Reinhardt. 1920. Pp.
xii,286. 7.50 fr.
The PmLOBOitocAL WnmNGa of Richabd Bubthogoe. EdUed with Intro-
duction and Notes by Marfforet W. Landea. Chicago: The Open Court
Publishing Company. 1920. Pp. xxiv, 245.
M. TtTLu CicEBONis DB DiviNATioNE LiBER Pbucus. Edited by Arthur
Stanley Pease. (University of Illinois Studies in Language and Litera-
ture.) Urbajoa: Univeisity of Illinois. 1920. Pp. 888, large 8vo. $3.00.
PosT-BiBLiCAL Hebbew LfTBRATUSB. An Antholoot. Text, Notes» and
Glossary. By B. Halper. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society
of America. 1921. Pp. xviii, 800.
Poer-BiBLicAL Hebbew Literature. An Anthology. English Transla*
tion. By B. Halper. The same. Pp.251.
The Lanoitaoe of Palestine and Adjacent Regions. By J. Courtenay
James. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark. 1920. Pp. zxii, 278. $7.00 special
net.
The Teaching of the New Testament on Divorce. By R. E. Charles.
London: Williams and Norgate. 1921. Pp. xiv, 127. 6 sh. net.
Lb Divin MtcoNNU. Par Mgr. Landrieux, SvSque de Dijon. Paris: Gabriel
Beauchesne. 1921. Pp. vii, 208. 12''.
The Appendices to the Gos^pjcl according to Mark. A Studt in Tex-
tual Transmission. By Clarence RtuseU Williams. (IVansactions of
the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vol. 18, pp. 847-447.)
New Haven: Yale University Press. 1915.
Paulus und die Urobmeinde. Zwei Abhandlungen. I. Apostelconcil und
Aposteldekret. Von Lyder Brun. U. Die Apologie des Paulus Gal. I.
Von Anion Fridrichsen. (Beiheft zu Norsk Teologisk Tidsskrift.) Gies-
sen: Alfred TOpelmann. 1921. Pp. 76. M. 8.80.
Der Knecht Jahwas. Von Sigmund Mowinckel. (Beiheft zu Norsk Teolo-
Tidsskrift.) Giessen: Alfred Tbpelmann. 1921. 1^.69. M. 8.
Life EriotNAL, Past — Present — Future. By BartHemy Prosper Enfan-
tin. Translated by Fred Rothwell. Chicago: The Open Court Publish-
ing Company. 1920. Pp. viii, 188. $1.60.
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Chbibt Victobioub oyer All. By Jateph 8, JfJmtlon^ Chicago: The
Authw, 640 East 48d Street. 1921. Pp.288.
Thx Cabb of Kobba.. By Henry Chung, New York and Chicago: Ilemiiig
H. Revell Company. 1921. Pp.867. $8.00.
Thb Nation's Financial Outlook. By A. fi. Thomkm. Westminster: P.
S. King & Son. 1921. Pp. x» 187.
Thb Six Factob in Hxtman Lifb. AStttdt Outlinb fob Collbgb Men.
By T. W. QaUoway. New York: The American Social Hygiene Associa-
tion 1921. Pp.142.
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HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
VoLum XIV AFREU 19£1 Nmcnni 8
A DECADE OF LUTHER STUDY »
PRESERVED SMITH
CaMBBIDOB, MASaACHUBSTTB
Since the last biographies of Luther in English appeared,
nearly ten years ago, a vast amount of light has been shed on
the subject by the discovery of new documents and by the
intensive research of a great army of the learned. A special
stimulus was supplied to their zeal by the celebration of the
Reformation quadricentenary in 1917; and the fact that
America was cut off from Germany for towc years out of the
last ten, and that the books of her production have only begun
to reach us in large numbers, may add another reason, were it
necessary, for offering an extensive review of the outstanding
work in this field since the end of the year 1910. For the sake
of convenience the more detailed studies will be taken up first,
in the chronological order of events in Luther's life; the more
general collections of works, bibliographies, biographies, and
estimates, will follow a^ter.
I. Early Life, 148S-1517
The German proverb,
Wer den Dichter will veratehen
Muss in des Dichters Heimat gehen,
is true of other great men besides poets. A good introduction
to the beautiful scenery and historical relics of Eisenach and
Mansf eld has been furnished by Kutzke * and, on a much less
pretentious scale, by Helen Kendall Smith.* Li this region
Hans Luther "'the Big" lived with his large family, and here
^ Fkcsented at the meeting of the Americui Society of Church History, December
s G. Kutske^ Atu LvtherM Heimat, 1914.
< 'Luther Byways,' Lutheran Survey, October 28, IdlSw
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108 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
also lived another Hans Luther **the Little/' his own brother,
if we may bdieve Otto Scheel, whose thorough research has
put him at the head of the authorities for this period of Martin's
life.^ The other Hans Luther, if indeed we can accept the dis-
tinction made very remarkable by the same name for the broth-
ers, may have been the rough character to whom Wicel's well-
known anecdote that Luther's father fled from Eisenach because
he had committed a murder applies. That Martin was the
oldest son seems now to be settled, though Kohler credits a say-
ing in the Table Talk that he was the second.* From the fact
that Luther, when matriculating at Erfurt on May 2, 1501,
paid the full fee of thirty groschen, it has been inferred that his
father at this time was in fairly comfortable circumstances.*
Much new light on Luther's student life may be derived not
only from the researches of Neubauer, Bemay,^ and Scheel, but
from the recent discovery, by H. D^ering, of an old letter-book
containing letters of Luther and his friends to their former
teachers and pastor in Eisenach.*
One of these epistles, from the schoolmaster of Eisenach,
Trebonius, dated February 5, 1505, speaks of Martin's good
health and success, and hblds him up as a model to the ad-
dressee of the missive, Lewis Han. Three of the letters are
attributed by D^ering to Luther, one dated April 28, 1507,
inviting a teacher to his first mass, and signed by his name,
being almost universally accepted as genuine. Another letter,
unsigned, dated February 28, 1508, modestly disclaims the
praise bestowed upon the writer by his correspondent, asks to
borrow a book of Lyra^ and apologizes for having eaten and
drunken too much. This letter, though defended by Paquier
as a welcome proof of the Reformer's early intemperance, has
^ Otto Sdieely MarHn Luther: Vom KtUheHsiimue xwr Rtformaiiofu 2 vols. 1917
(toL i in 2d ed). On the two Hans Luthen, see Sdieel, i, 6; Budiwald, Lutherkalen'
dar, 1910» and Lidher't Correapondenee, u ^ >M>te 2.
• 'Luther/ in Die Rdigum in QeeekidiSe uni Oegenwart, iii (1912). ool 2412. Against
thii^ Sdwel, 1. 8.
• T. T. i^eahtiwr, LuthereFriUueit, 1917, p. 4» lJahhQdterd.k. AhademitderWie--
eeneehatten su Erfurt, N. F. zliii).
• F. Beniay» Zur Qe$ekiehte der Sladi una der Univereim Erfurt am Auegonge dee
MOtetaUere, 1919.
• Published in ZentraMOtfOr BibUotkekeweien, rmii, 1916.
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A DECADE OF LUTHER STUDY 109
been rejected by all oth^ scholars, and in my opinion rightly.'
On the third letter, dated September 5, 1501, and signed
"Martinus Viropolitanus" or "Martin of Mansfeld City/*
there is much difference of opinion. Neubauer, B5hmer and
Scheel reject it; Kawerau and Flemming are undecided; but
I concur with Freitag in regarding it as perfectly genuine and a
valuable new light on the boy's student days. In order to
enable English readers to judge for themselves I here translate
it:i»
Luther to John Braun at Eisenach ^^
PoBTA CoEu» Ebfubt, Septbicbeb 5, 1501
Gieetmg. Kindest of men. Joyfully I leceived both your messenger and
your salutations chosen for me, by which I leam that your kindness towards
me has not only not diminished but has even increased. I quite rejoice; and
for the special and familiar benevolence with which you visit me, although I
am not able to retum fitting thanks, yet I have great and immortal gratitude,
for you sufficiently deserve this from me more than from any mortal.
Now, to satisfy your curiosity, know that fair fortune and good health are
mine, and that, by the favor of the saints," I am settled here as pleasantly as
possible. Nor would I have you ignorant that I am serving under that
teacher of liberal arts N.," my countiyman, at the house of Porta Coeli.^*
* Paquier, Luther et VAllemagne, 1018» p. 95; Kohler in ZeitKkrift fUr Kirchenge-
scMekte, zxziii, 19; Kawerau in Theologis^ lAieratuneUung^ 191S, ooL SSI f .; Freitag
in Bidofiadu ZtiiUdmft, cziz, 247 f ., and Arekiv fOr Brformationageiehiekte, xiii, 24.
Fjreitag tlmiks the letter from Han to Trebonius.
^^ Scheel, op. eit, i (8d ed.), 140, and note on p. SOS. Hie most thorou^ diacusnon
is in Neubauer, op, etV., pp. 15S ff. (1) He says Luther would not have been guilty of
writing the hybrid word "Viropolitanus," and that it means "Bianstedt," not Mans-
feld, but I think it means the city as distinguished from the county of Mansfeld.
(2) He thinks there is difficulty in identifying the teacher of whom Luther speaks as
fdlow-countryman, but this is not convincing. (S) He says that Luther's known teacher,
J. Greffenstein (John Ansorg of GiUlenstein, on whom see ibid., pp. 225 ff.), was not
at Porta Caeli. (4) He says that Luther was at Bursa of St George, not at Porta CaelL
But he might have changed Cf, also Biereye, Die Erfuiier LuthenUUten nodi ihrer
gettekiMi^er Begldvbigung, 1917; P. Flenuning in Lutkere Briefweckni, xvii, 1920,
p. 8S; W. KShler, in ZeUechnflfikr KirehengeeehMte, zzxiii, 19. H. Rjhmer, Luther %m
lAiekU der neueren Fonekung^* 191S; p. S09 doubts the genuineness of all three letters.
u Enders, Luihere BriifwedM, zvii, 82; ZentrdlblaU fOr BibUoUiekatDeeen, xzziii
(i9ie), 7a
^ Dii» faieentibue, "by favor of the gods," meant the same as the *'favor of the
saints" at this period
^ According to Degering^s note^ loe, eit^ this teacher was John Greffenstein.
^^ This was a foundation for the support of poor students: a full account of it in
O. Scheel, Luther, i (2d ed., 1917), and A. Freitag in Hietorieehe ZmUekrift, odx
(1919), 247 ff.
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110 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
This is due to the persuasion of my generous kinsmen when I visited my
father's house. But this is nothing to you.
Finally I beg and beseech you to bear it patiently that so long a time has
passed without my sending you a letter. Could I have done so I should have
complied with your wishes thus, for indeed long ago I had two letters ready
to be taken to you, but I could not find a messenger.
Last of all, as I dose, please give my warm greetings to your neighbor.^^
FareweU, most revered of men.
Martin of Mansfeld, your honorary umpire.^* To N., the soldier of the
Lord."
The problem of Luther's inner development from the day he
took the vow to be a monk until the day when the message
came to him, with such force that he believed it to be a revela-
tion of the Holy Ghost, that man was justified by faith only,
has attracted more attention than perhaps any other in this
field. After Grisar's discoveries that the essence of the doctrine
was pure passivity, and that the supposed revelation came to
him as late as 1519 and in a most impleasant place, a fresh
attempt to solve the problem was made by the application of
the psycho-analytical theories of Sigismimd Preud.^^ An early,
indeed infantile, experience of bodily hardship and spiritual
terror implanted in the boy's mind a desperate impression of
the power and daipger of concupiscence, and it was this, working
out under manifold modification of later study and ascetic ex-
perience, that brought him, through a sense of his own weak-
ness, to throw himself entirely on the merits of the Saviour.
The attempt, though in line with previous researches by Braim,
Hausrath, K5hler, and others, who had noticed the nemrotic
elements in Luther's strong character, was criticized by Scheel
>^ Text oonimnam, might be changed to CaUarinam, meaning Braun's sister, but
much more likely oorUerminam, * neighbor/ referring to some lady Luther had known
at Eisenach, perhaps to Ursula Cotta.
1* MartinuB nrapoUtanui arbiter tuus onerarUu, That vifopolitatnu means "from
the town of Mansfdd" is quite certain, however meaningless the barbarous compound
itself may be. The cannier tuus oneraanus was a jocose title given Luther by Braun, with
allusion to Cicero, Tu$e, v. 180, where Cicero says that in philosophiciJ disputes on
virtue and the good, Carneades would act ianquam honarartus carbUer,
i« That this letter is really to Braun is proved by the fact that the same title dmntif
mUes is given to him in Letter 11.
^' Preserved Smith, 'Luther's Early Development in the Dght of Psychoanalysis,'
American Journal of Piychdogy, July, 1918; Id.^ 'lAither's Development of the Doc-
trine of Justification by Faith Only,' Harvard Theologioal Review, October, 1918.
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A DECADE OF LUTHER STUDY 111
as derogatory to the Reformer's personality. Scheel not only
idealizes Luther, but» as K5hler noticed in a review, makes him
too normal; Scheel is always asking simply what the average
student or friar would have experienced, and applying this to
his subject. Thus he denies the value of some of Luthfer's own
most explicit sayings, such as that he was forced to do the
menial work of the cloister as a novice, and that he almost broke
down through nervous terror when saying his first mass. But
Scheel has no right to set aside testimony inconvenient to his
thesis — as he does both in his large book and in a small selec-
tion of extracts from the Reformer's works, intended to illus-
trate the course of his development " — and for this he has
been severely and on the whole justly criticized by A. V.
Miiller.^' MUller accuses him not only of this tendency but of
ignorance of ^^the Catholic psyche" and of medieval theology,
in which field MUller's own reading is remarkably large.'^ His
own thesis, doubtless carried too far, is that everything in
Luther can be foimd in his predecessors, and that there is
practically nothing original at all in the Reformer's thought.
Ernst Troeltsch *^ speaks of Luther's early days as an insoluble
problem, full of nervous crises and mela;ncholy.
The tendency, however, is now to emphasize the normality
and cheerfulness of the boy's life as a student, and consaquently
to throw into stronger relief the suddenness of his vow to be a
monk and the regret he felt for it afterwards.** That it was
influenced by the outbreak of plague in 1505 is denied by Scheel,
but is again made probable by Neubauer. That he was or-
dained prie&t on April 3, 1507, is now considered likely."
Scheel denies the early influence of Staupitz, and MUller thinks
that the spiritual director who helped him so much in the
^* O. Scheel, DokumenU su Luthers Enivneklung, 1911.
^* A. V. MUller, Luthers Werdegang bis sum Tunnerlebnis, 1080, and in Theologische
Siudim und KritOen, 1917, pp. 496 ff.
^ A. V. Mttller, Luihers theotogis<^ QudUn^ 1912.
^ 'Luther und der ProtestAntismus,' Neue Rundschau, zxviii (1917), p. 1312.
^ Scheel, i, 259; Neubauer, p. 99; Freitag in Histonsche Zeitschrift, cziz, 270 ff.;
Biereye, pp. 180 ff.
» ZeUsekriftfur KirehengesdiidUe, zzzvii (1917), p. 216; Sdieel, 'Luthers Primis»'
in Studien 0, Kawerau dargtbrachtf 1917, pp. 1 ff.
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112 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
cloister was TJsingen.** The importance of the doctorate has
attracted the attention of Steinlein.'^
The exact course of Luther's development during these
cloister years has been traced by a large number of scholars,
and agreement on it seems far from reached. The date of the
"conversion** has been put by Bdhmer in 1505, by Scheel in
the winter of 1512-13, by Mtiller in 1514, and by Grisar in
1519. My own opinion that it came when Luther had bi^un
to lectiu-e on Romans, in the late spring or early summer of
1515, has been confirmed by the subsequent researches of
Bonwetsch.** Particularly thorough studies have been made
of the influence of the mystics on the Reformer.*^
A new source of considerable importance for these years is the
publication, for the first time, of Luther's earliest lectures on
Galatians, given from October 27, 1516, to April 24, 1517."
While they contain no such treasures as the lectures on Romans,
they offer many a welcome addition to our previous knowledge.
For one thing they show the Erasmian influence at its maxi-
mum, not only by the many quotations from the editor of the
Greek Testament, but by the preference of the author for
Jerome against Augustine (pp. 18, 39). This is particularly
interesting, as Humbert has derived the alienation of Erasmus
•* Werdegang, p. 15.
s* H. Steinleiii, Lyihers Doktorat, 1912. Cf, Enden, zrii, 86 f.; LvOut^b CorrB-
ipondence^ i, no. 4.
^ Harvard Thwiogioal Rsview, 1918, p. 420, note; Scheel, ii, 818 ff.; Mttller, Wer-
degang, 180; Cf. Tisckreden, Weimar, iii, no. 8282; Luthers Werke^ Weimar, zzxv, 80.
Cf, also O. Ritscfa], 'Luthers seeliache K&mpfe in seiner frtiheren Mttnchtum,' Inter-
natUmale Wodiemekrift, January 21, 1911; F. Loofs, 'Jiutitia dei pasaiva in Luthers
Anfilngen,' Th«oU)guehe Studien und Kritiken^ 1911, pp. 401-478; A. Humbert, Le$
originei de la Mologie modeme^ 1911; W. KOhler, 'Luther bis 1521,' Im Morgenroi dm
Aefornuitfon, ed. POugk-Harttung, 1912; £. Billing, i5i7-i5fi; eUbidragtiUfrAgenam
Luthers rdigioaa oeh teologitka utveckUngggang, 1917; EL von Schubert, Luthen FrUhr
efOwicHung bit 1617-19^ 1910; G. N. Bonwetach, Wie vmrde Luther sum Rrformaiorf,
1917.
^ A. V. Midler, Luther und Tauter, 1918; Die Predigten Tautere, hrsg. Top F. Vetter,
1910; Der Frankfurter {deuteche theologia), hrsg. von W. Uhl (Kleine TexU, no. 90);
Hunsiger, 'Lutiher und die deutsche Mystik,' Neue KirehUdie ZeUedmft, xiz, 972-088;
6. Siedel, Die Myetik Taulers, 1911; M. Windstosser, Stude eur la * Thklogie germani^
que,' 1912.
** Luihere Vorleeung fiber den Oalaterbruf t51&-17, hrsg. von Hans von Schubert,
1918w On this, further, J. Ficker, LvOner, 1617, 1918.
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A DECADE OF LUTHER STUDY US
and Luther from the preference of the humanist for Jerome and
of the friar for Augustine." These lectmres also show that
Luther had fully arrived at his doctrine of justification by
faith only, and that he was still exercised by the distinction
between the law and the gospel which he later described as the
crux of his early theology. The best commentary on Luther's
early exegesis of Scripttu-e is not found in the recent Protestant
work of Schlatter,*® or in the Catholic essay of Lagrange,*^ but
in a brilliant little book by Meissinger,'' pointing out the exact
limitations as well as the strength of the Wittenberg professor.
More light may be expected from the publication of the com-
mentary on Hebrews, now in preparation. Extracts from it may -
be found in Grisar's first volume.
The journey to Rome has been carefully studied by Bahmer,**
by whom the exact condition of the city at the time is well set
forth. In this respect much may also be gathered from the
sumptuous work of Rodocanachi." The discovery by Kawerau
of some notes of the Augustinian General, Aegidius Viterbo, has
definitely settled the time of the trip as in the winter of 1510-
1511.** That Luther was sent as a delegate of the convents pro-
testing against Staupitz's attempt to force them all into the
"Observants," and that while at Rome he changed sides and
went over to Staupitz, thus making his transfer from Erftu-t to
Wittenberg necessary soon after his return, as asserted by
Grisar, is probable, though it lias been denied by Scheel. A
new light on the famous story of the ascent of the Scala Santa
interrupted by the thought, "Who knows whether the prayer
said here avails?" has come from a sermon of 1545 recently
discovered.** According to this Luther was performing the act
in order to get the soul of a forbear out of purgatory, and
** Humbert, op, ett, chap, fi: St JMme oontre St Augustine.
^ A. Schlatter, Luthers DetOung de$ BOmerbriefeSf 1917.
" M. J. Lagrange, Luther oniheEvecfkia RevoU, translated by W. S. ReiHy, 1918
(origmally written 1914-16, on Luther's Commentary on Romans).
** K A. Meissinger, LtUhers Exegete in der FrUhMeii, 1911.
» H. BOhmer, Luthen Romfahrt^ 1914.
M £.IU>dotanachi, ifom«ajuri^]M ({0^11209 //e<<20£A>f»Z, 1912. C/. what Ikither
says of se^ng the Barigd at Rome (Werke^ Berlin, viii, 184) with Rodocanadii, p. 276.
>• Zeilschriftfar KirehengesehielUe, zzzii, 004.
" Ibid., &rr.
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114 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
stopped because of doubt. Since then a plate has been found
at Delft with a pictiure of the Scala Santa and the legend,
"Who knows whether this is genuine?"*^ showing possibly
that Luther's doubts were occasioned rather by suspicion of
the genuineness of the relic than by the dawning thought of
just^cation by faith. One of the most interesting new dis-
coveries is that by Grisar that on his return joiumey, in order
to avoid the wars in North Italy, Luther returned through
France, saying mass at Nice probably on January 20, 1511,
thence through Femes near Avignon, where he was the guest
of the Augustinian cloister, and then up the Rhone Valley and
through Switzerland."
n. The Beginning op the Reformation, 1517-1521
A general review of this period is offered in convenient form
in two works by Professor Dau.'" On the theory and practice
of indulgences something may be foimd scattered here and
there in recent works,*® notably in a study of contemporary
documents by G5ller. New studies of the Ninety-five Theses
have exhibited their logical order/^ have shown that they were
printed by Luther himself before they were posted on the castle
church,** and have discussed their theological postulates.**
^ Thsologiacke Rundschau^ XV {l9li),BSt; Grisar, iii, 958. A. Eckhof, 'Luther en
de Pilatu9-Trap te Rome,' Nederlandtek Archief wr Karkgesckiedenia, N. S., zii, 1 ff.,
1916.
>> H. Grisar, 'Lutheranalekten,' HisiansekeM Jahrbvch, zzxix (1919), 487 ff.
*• W. H. T. Dan, The Leipzig Debate^ 1919; Id., The Oreat RmuneiaHon, 1920.
^ E.g. in H. de Joogh, Uancienne FactdU de ThSologie de Louvain, 1911, pp. 92 ff.;
C. W. Wallace, Ewhdion of the English Drama up to Shakeepeare, 1912, p. 51, on an
English play on indulgences in 1518; G. Guinness, PerUy 1908, p. S72, showing that in
South America indulgences for the dead are still profitable; £. Goller, Der Ausbrueh
der Reformation und die epStmittdaUerliche Ablasepraxis, 1917.
«i T. Brieger, 'Die Gliederung der 95 Tfaesen,' LewhFeetechrift, 1910, pp. 1-^7.
^ O. Clemen in LiUhers Werke, Bonn, i, 1912, p. 1. They were probably printed at
Wittenberg with types borrowed from Melchior Lotther of Leipzig, Zeitsehift fUr
Kirehengesehiehte, zzxv, 164 f. A different conclusion is reached by O. Gtlnther, *Die
Drucker von Luthers Ablassthesen 1517,' Zeiteehriftfiir Budterfreunde, N. F. iz, 259 tt.,
1918. He thinks they were first printed by Jerome Httlzel of Nuremberg and John
Thanner Herbipolensis of Leipzig.
^ M. Bade, Luthers Reehtfertigungsglaube und seine Bedeutung fiir die 95 Thesen und
far uns, 1917.
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A DECADE OF LUTHER STUDY 115
Paul Kalkoff , having mastered this period as has none other,
has in many works illuminated the subject of th^ Roman proc-
ess against Luther.^ He shows that Cajetan's Tractatus de
Indvlgentiis^ finished at Rome on December 89 1517, was already
directed against Luther, and that the saime theologian drafted
the bull Cum postquam condemning his position; he also shows
that the influence of Miltitz has been recently exaggerated.
The influences that bore on Luther during these great years
have also been carefully studied by Kalkoff, who would reduce
to a minimum the part played by Hutten,** whom he thinks
neither sincere nor able; and on the other hand would exalt
the rdles of Elector Frederic *• and of Erasmus. Professor D. S.
Schaff's interesting study of "A Spurious Tract of John Huss**
suggested to a Luther scholar the probability that the work
was forged in the interest of the Reformer about 1521.*' Re-
cently a sixteenth-century manuscript containing Huss's Proph-
ecy of Luther, has been discovered.*'
A fresh study of the Address to the German Nobility has
discovered in it traces of the influence of Marsiglio of Padua
and of Occam's politics.*' New somrces have been imearthed
relating to the publication of the bull Exfurge Domine by Eck
in Germany,^' and to the battle against him waged by the
M P. Kalk^, 'Fonchungen zu Luthen rttmuchen FroKeas,' ZeiUehrift fUr Kir-
tkenguekichU, xxzu (1911), pp. 1 ff., 199 ff., 408 ff., 572 ff.; zxziii (1912), 1 ff. /i.,
'Die von Cajetan verfasste Ablaasdekretale und seine Verhandlimgen mit dem Kur-
fUnten von Sachsen in Weimar, 28 und 29 Mai, 1519,' Arehivftir RefomuUioiugegehidUe,
ix (1912), 142 ff.; Id., Die MiUinade, 1911. Cf. also H. Barge, 'Das Vorgehen der
Kurie gegen Luther 1518-21,' Neue JakrhUekerftir das klas^Mu AUtrtum^ zzvii (1911).
^ On Hutten, c/. 0. Hamack, *Ulrich von Hutten,' in /m Morgenrot der Reformat
Hon, hrsg. von Pflugk-Harttung, 1912, pp. 451-554; P. Kalkoff, Ulrtdi von Hutten
und die RrformaHon, 1920.
* P. Kalkoff, 'Friedrich der Weise,' ArchivfiiT ReformaHmugeiehiehie, xiv (1917).
^ Preserved Smith, 'Note to D. S. Schaff's Spurious Tract of John Huss,' Ameri-
can Journal of Theoiogy, April, 1915. On Huss's mfluence on Luther, qf. Werke, Wei-
mar, vol. 1, p. 37.
M J. IVuhlar, CaUdogui manu ecripiorum Latinorum in BibHoiheca Univertiiatis
Prageneie, 1906, no. 2774, "Hussi de Luthero vatidnium."
^ P. Imbart de la Tour, in Revue de Mitapkynque et de Morale, 1918^ p. 607. On
the influence of Hutten and Capito» Kalkoff, HtOien, 1920, p. 74.
^ J. Greving, 'Zur VerkUndigung der Bulle Ezsurge Domine,' in Briefmappe, i,
1912, pp. 196 ff. Bibliography of early printed editions of the bull in ZeiUckrift fikr
BiUherfreunde, N. F. iz, 197 ff., and z, 19, 1918^19.
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116 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
University of Paris. *i The decisive importance of the burning
of the Canon Law has been thus well stated by Workman: **
l^th his usual insight Luther saw that the overthrow of the ecclesiastical
jurisprudence of the Middle Ages was a prime necessity if the Augustinian
doctrine of grace was ever to receive its old place in the life of the church and
the claims of the papacy to be overthrown. ... In burning the Decretals
Luther claimed more than his civil freedom; he asserted the need for a spiritual
theology.
A flood of works " on the Diet of Worms have laid bare the
inner workings and the ecclesiastical-political log-rolling of that
famous body. It now appears probable that Leo offered Fred-
eric of Saxony his support in obtaining the impmal crown in
return for the surrender of Luther, and it is certain that at the
election of Charles, and in the capitulations drawn up by his
agents at this time, Frederic stipulated that his subject should
be heard, or at least should not be outlawed without a hearing.
Thus were foiled Aleander's efforts to prevent Luther^s appear-
ance. Some discussion has been aroused by the assertion that
Luther's promise to give an answer "without horns or teeth"
referred to the student ceremony of "deposition" or hazing a
freshman by pretending to extract his horrid horns and tusksu^
Kalkoff has shown that the placard friendly to Luther, signed
with the words "Buntschuch, Buntschuch, Bimtschuch," was
posted at Worms by Hermann van der Busche." He has also
demonstrated that the Edict of Worms was carried through
the Diet by imperial pressure and intrigue, contrary to the
*^ A. Clerval, RSgiitres des proeh-fferbaux de la FaevUS de ThSologie de Paris, i, 1917,
pp. 278 f., 278 ff., 285; BtdleHn de rhirtoire du ProtesianHsme fran^is, 1917, pp. 95 ff.
*> Cknsiian Thought to the Rrformation, 1911, p. 165.
** P. Kalkoff, Dot Wormaer Edikt und die Erlaeee dee Reiehengimeni und der einzel'
nen ReidufUrHen, 1917; P. Kalkoff, Luther und die EnUtheidungejakre der Brformor
tion, 1917; Kalkoff, Die EfOetehung dee Warmeer EdikU, 1913; EL von Schubwt, Die
VorgeechidUe der Berufung Ltdhere auf den Reiehttag gu WomUt 1912 (Sitsung^teridiie
der Heidelberger Akademie der Wieeeneekafienj PhiL-kieL Klasse, vi.); F. Boiler, Luikere
Berufung nad^ WorvM, Giessen Duertadon, 1912. Documents in J. Kuhn, Luiker
und der Wormeer Reiehttag, 1918; Kalkoff, ' Zur Enstehung des Womutr Edikts,' ArMw
far RrformaHonsgeediidiie, ziii (1916), pp. 241-276.
*< EL Bdhmer, Luiker im lAMe der neueren Foreckung, 4th ed., 1917, p. 147; W.
Ktfhler, Die deuiecke RrfomuOion und die Studenten, 1917, p. 21; T. T. Neabauer,
'Luthen Frtllifleit,' Effurter JakMeker, N. F. xliii (1917), p. 47.
" ArdUvfUr RrformaUonegeedUdiief viii (1911), pp. 841 ff.
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A DECADE OF LUTHER STUDY 117
wishes of the majority, and that it was practically a dead letter
even in the Catholic states of Germany.
in. The Growth op a Protestant Party
No sooner had Luther, after his brave deed at Worms, gone
to the seclusion of the Wartbiu-g,^ than the struggle with radi-
calism, scarcely less hard or less important for the history of
his church than the battle with Romanism, b^an. The old
sources having been edited with more care,*^ and some new
ones having been added,*' Barge has defended, while other
scholiffs have impugned," the thesis that the true line of de-
velopment in the direction of lay religion and of real Protestant-
ism was foimd by Carlstadt and the other radicals, and was
from this time forth rather hindered than helped by the inter-
vention of Luther. In r^ard to the Zwickau prophets it is
interesting to note that the town h^ long been a hotbed of
Waldensian heresy.*® Luther's sermons against them have
been declared by the most recent criticism •^ to be unreliably
handed down to us; on the other hand new sayings revealing
his really frightful hatred for the radicals have come to light.**
** Fine historical description of the Wartburg by O. Schmiedel, Addreti cf Wdoome
fo ihs WarAurg, August 12, 1010, reprinted in Congreu cfFree ChrisHanUy^ 1911, p. 075.
One of the noted sights there is the inkspot on the wall, or rather the hole where it was
said to have been. Interesting to note that Fynes Moryson saw at Wittenberg in 1591,
"an aspersion of ink cast by the Divell when he tempted Luther upon the wall of St.
Augustine's college." F. Moryson's IHnerairy, 1907, i, 16.
" EL Barge, AktenetUcke sur Wittenberger Bewegung^ 1912; H. Lietimann, Kad-
eiadU Abhiung der BUder und die Wittenberger Beutdordnung (Kleine TexUt no. 74).
*• Accounts of the doings at Wittenberg 1522 by H. Mtlhlpfort and J. Pfau, ed. by
H. RJhmer, in Neue kirMiehe ZeUechrift^ zzv, 897 ff.
** EL Barge, *Zur Genesis der FrOhrefckmatorischen Vorgllnge in Tl^ttenberg,' ffi»>
ioriedie ViertdjahrednrifU zzv (1914), and article 'Karlstadt' in ReUgion in Qeeckiehie
und Qegenwart^ iii; M. von Tilings 'Der Kampf g^gen die Missa privata,' Neue kireh-
b'eAs Zeitediriftf zz.
'^ EL Btf hmer, m ShAriften dee Vereine flkr niedereOcheiedte QeeMdkU «fid AUer*
tkitmehmde^ xxxvi (1915), pp. l-SS.
*i O. Clemen, Lutkere Werke, Bonn, ii» 1918, p. 811.
" "If Caristadt believes there is any God in heaven or earth, may Christ never be
gracious to me," said Luther. Arekiofar Reformationegeedttdae, zi (1914)» 141. On
Lather^s battle with James Schendc, see P. Vetter in Neuee ArMe /Br eMeieehe
Geednekte, txx (1909), 76 ff.; zzzii (1911), 28 ff.
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118 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
The same ye^u^s that saw the struggle with radicalism saw the
controversy with Hemry Vlll and the much more important
break with humanism in the person of Erasmus. Two studjies "
of the former aim to probe the causes of the alternate enmity
and rapprochement of the king and the Reformer and to exhibit
the amazing number of opinions offered Henry by divines that
bigamy would be a permissible solution of his matrimonial
difficulties.
Well worn as is the attractive subject of the relations of
Luther and Erasmus, new light may be expected, as it has to
some ext^it been already shed, by the splendid edition of
Erasmus's epistles by Mr. P. S. Allen.** Even if little new
material on this subject has as yet been forthcoming, the proper
arrangement of all the letters in order and with full notes is
valuable. It is interesting, for example, to know that Erasmus
sent the Ninety-five Theses to Colet and More, with favorable
comment, on March 5, 1518,*'^ and probably sent a greeting to
Luther as early as January of that year.** Kalkoff has shown,*^
with success on the whole even though with some exaggeration,
that Erasmus took a much more favorable view of Luther dur-
ing his first years than he would himself later admit, and that
he tried with great energy and, even hardihood to secure him
a fair hearing before an impartial court. Luther's completely
Augustinian doctrine of the bondage of the will has been illumi*
nated by A. V. Mttller,*' while a few new somrces w to the prog-
** Freflerved Smith, 'LutJber and Henty VUI,' English Historical Review, 1910;
Id., 'German Opinion of the Divorce of Henry VIII,' ibid,, 1912. A note on the play
against Luther given at the English Court by the children of St. Paul's School is found
in C. W. Wallace, EvoUOum of the English Drama, 1912, pp. 66 ff.
** Opus Epistolarum Erasmi, iii, 191S, to June, 1519. Mr. Allen writes me that the
fourth volume is now in press and the fifth and sixth ready in manuscript.
•* Allen, Epp. 785, 786.
** Allen, Ep. 755, saltda Eleutherium Audacem. Allen does not make the identifica-
tion with Luther, which, however, seems probable to me. ''Eleutherius" was the form
in whidi Luther then wrote his name and by whidi Erasmus first knew him.
^ P. Kalkoff, Erasmus, Luther, und Friedrich der Weise, 1919.
M Luihers Ihedogisdien QutUen, 1912, pp. 209f., and Zeitsdnrift fOr Kirdten-
gesehuAte, xzv, 185f. It seems that Lather's comparison of the will to a beast of
burden is found in Baymund of Sabunde^ and in Augustine, or perhaps Fteudo*
Augustine, Lib, iii HypomnesUcum; see Seit, Der authetOisdie Text der Leiptiger Dis'
putation, p. 28.
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A DECADE OF LUTHER STUDY 119
ress of the controversy have seen the light.** A scholarly,
if somewhat diffuse, comparison of the Reformer and thie
himianist, has now come from the pen of Dr. R. H. Murray,
of Dublin.^*
As the Lutheran church was losing the radicals and the
humanists, it sustained another shock in the sacramentarian
schism, b^un indeed by Carlstadt, but carried to its most
important lengths by Zwingli and Oecolampadius. New light
on the course of the controversy has shone from the pages of
the latest edition of Zwingli's works, now in cotu-se of publica-
tion though much delayed on accoimt of the war,^^ and from
several special studies based in large part on this,^* and by a
few new sources; '• to which will presently be added Bullinger's
correspondence, now in preparation for printing. The influence
of Carlstadt and Hoen on Zwingli is now dear, as is his some-
what disingenuous tactic in spreading his views by means of an
open letter nominally addressed to a Lutheran pastor, Matthew
Alber, but in reality not sent to him or to anyone who could
forward it to Wittenberg. Hans von Schtibert '* has shbwn, in
a thorough and original work, that the basis of the discussion
at Marburg was the symbol known as the Schwabach Articles,
drawn up not, as hitherto believed, after, but in reality before,
the mating took place. The unhappy effects of the schism long
after Zwingli's death were noted by his followers in Italy ^*
and in Switzerland.*^*
•* Letters of M. FOrater, in Thsohguehe Studien und Kritiken^ 1911, 1 ff.
^^ Luther and Erasmus: their Attitude towards Tcieration, 1990.
" Zwinglis Werke, hng. von £. Egli, G. Finsler, und W. Ktthler, 1905 ff. Volumes
1, 2, 8, 7, S and parts of 4 and 9. The treatises now oome to 1525, the correspondence
to 1588. An English translation ^ The Latin Works and Correspondence of H. Zwingli^
ed. S. M. Jackson, has b^gun. Vol. i, 1912.
" W. Ktthler, *Zum Abendmahlsstreite zwisdien Luther und Zwingli,* Luther-
studien gur J^ Jahrhunderifeier der Reformationy 1917, pp. 114 ff.; J. A. Faulkner, 'Dies
ist mein Leib: a Celebrated Debate,' Baptist Theoioffical Quarteriy, 1915, pp. 397 ff.
" Daniel Greser's Autobiography, in Zvnngliana, ii (1920), 324; and W. Ktthler:
ibid,, pp. fM ff., on the Blarburg Conference.
T« Bundnie und Bekenninis 1629-SO, 1910.
^* Letter of Venetian Fh>te8tants to Luther, November 26, 1542; Enders, zr, 26.
'B BuDinger to Vadian, May, 1544; Vadiamsehe Briifeamndung, ed. Arbens und
Wartmann, vi (1908), p. 821.
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120 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Perhaps this is the most convenient place to recall briefly the
new sources and treatment of Luther's rdations with Duke
George of Saxony.'^
rV. Church BiTni>iNG
None of the nimierous recent studies of Luther's Bible are
quite so interesting as the protocol of the revisions of 1531 and
158&-41 now first published in thte Weimar edition.^" The im-
mense care, the linguistic genius, and thle practical interest of
Luther stand out here as never before. Thus, during the ses-
sions of the committee of revision, Luther is reported as say-
ing: '^I will sing Psalm 64 as a farewell to the papists and
hope they will howl Amen to it" (p. 28) ; and again, on Genesis
1, "Aristotle says much of this chapter but proves little"
(p. 169), and of Genesis 3, "No fable could be more fabulous"
(p. 172). Errors are freely admitted in the sacred writings, as
in the contradiction between Genesis 12 aoid Acts 7, 2 ff., or
in the exaggerated nimibers in 1 Kings 5, 15. Reichert has
added to this an account of two new protocols of the revision
of the New Testament,^* and the first edition of the German
Testament (September, 1522) has been accurately reproduced
by the Purche-Verlag in Berlin, with good introductions by G.
Kawerau and O. Reichert.
Various studies of the relation of Luther's translation to its
predecessors have shown that it borrowed littl^ ^® and its im-
mediate success in driving out all other versions, except to
^ F. GesB, Akkn und Brirfe lur Kirehmipoliiik Henog Oeorg9 van Sadumu Band ii,
1524-87, 1017; O. A. Hecker, Rdiifion und Politik in den lelasim LAemjakren Henog
Oeorge dee Bdrtigen von Saduen^ 1012. BiUiogra'jpkU der eikkeiecken OeeM^tOf hag,
von R. Bemmann, i, lOlS.
'• Lidheri Werke, Weimar, DeuUdis Bibek iiL Vol. v has also been publiahed. Cf.
alKH Riscfa, ' Welche Aufgabe stdlt die Lutherbibd der wisseiuchaftlidien Foraduing?*
Neue kwehUchs ZeUeehrift^ 1011.
'* O. Reichert, 'Zwei neue Fnltolcolle cur Revision des Neuen Testaments,' Luther-
etudien sur 4. Jahrhunder^eier der Reformation^ 1017, pp. 208 ff.
•0 W. W. florer, Luikere Ueeqfike Pre-Luiheran Vereiam of the BihU^ 1018, main-
tains that he did; but on the other hand, see M. Buigdorf, Johann Lange. Rostodc
DisserUtion, 1011, pp. 70 ff.; W. Walther, Die ereten KonJeurrenien dee BibMbereetaere
Luther, 1017; W. Walther, LuAere Deutedte Bibel, 1017; Weber, 'Zu Luthers Septem-
ber und December-Testament,' ZeUiduriftfar KinAengeedMte, izxiii, 800.
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A DECADE OP LUTHER STUDY 121
some small extent the Swiss one by Leo Jud, has been demon-
strated by Zerener.^i Other studies on the linguistic side aim
to show that Luther had praptically completed his version, in
small bits, before he went to the Wartburg.** It hals now been
proved by Rdichert that the Bible of 1546 represents Luther's
final revision, and not, as previously thought, the changes made
by Borer on his own initiative.*'
The problem of church government facing Luther has been
best stated, perhaps, among recent contributions, by E.
F5rst€ir,«* and best answered by Professor Macmillan.** Of the
two alternatives open to him, that of Congregationalism and
that of state rule, he would have preferred the former, but was
driven by force of circumstances, particularly by the unruly
radicals, to embrace the latter. New sources and fresh analyses
of his order of divine service, •• of his system of church visita-
tion,*^ and of his political theory ** have come forth. A new
note is the attention now paid to economic Questions and th^
capitalistic revolution of the sixteenth century.** Old, on the
other hand, is the problem of Luther and toleration, now again
'^ H. Zerener, Studien Hber doi beginnende Eindring$nderkUheri$chen BiMUbenebh'
ung in die deuUehe LiUratur^ 1911.
** W. W. Florer, in PuUfccrfion* cf the Modem Language AeeoeiatUmf xxvi, 1011, and
in a paper read at Modem Language Aaaodation, 1915; £. Giese, Untersu^ungen Hber
dot VerhSUnie van Luthere Spradte sur Wittenherger Druekspraehe, 1915.
** LuAerehtdienf u. b. w.» 1917» p. £81; Archie /ttr ReformaHonegeeM^iet m
(1917), p. 227. On the rabaequent life of the book, see J. P. Henta, Hieiorp of the
lAOuran Vereion cf the Bible, 1910, and H. Guthe, LtOher und die Bibelforeehung der
Gegentoarl, 1917.
** In Fifth IniemaHonal Congreee cf Free ChrietianHy, English, 1911, p. 225.
w K. D. Macmillan, ProteetanOem in Qefmany, 1917.
** P. Drews, Studien sur QeedMde dee Ootieedienetee und dee gotteedienetUdtan
Lebene, iv und v, 1910; K. HoH, 'Die Entstehung von Luthers Kirchenbc|{riff,*
Foreehungen und Vereuehe Mur Oeeekichie. Festschrift Dietrich SdiKfer dargebracht,
1915, pp. 410 ff.
" Berbig, ' Akten der KnrsMdisidien VisiUtionen,' Deuteche ZeUetkriftfUir Kirehenr
redU, xn (1912), pp. 886^29.
** K. HoQ, %uther nnd die hoidesherrlidie Kircheniegiment,' Zeiteehrift fOr
Theclogie und KifiAe. Ergttnzungshcft, 1911; £. Trodtsch, Die SonaUehren dor
d^rietliehen KirtAen und Gruppen, 1912.
** J. A. Faulkner, * Luther and Economic Questions,' PajMrt cf the American Socidif
of Ckwreh Hietorjft 2d series, ii, 1910; J. Schliter, 'Luther's Kampf g^gen den Kapital-
ismus,' Neva KinMdte ZeUednrift, 1917, pp. 126 ff.; A. Hilpert, Die Sejueetration dor
geieOiehen QiUer in Kureaeheen, 1631-43. Leipaig DisserUtion, 1911.
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122 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
approached with greater acumen and depth than ever.*<^ It
is clearer than ever that Luther was tolerant in his early
years, but that with the triumph of his church, and under the
pressure of men more impatient of dissent than himself, he
came to justify persecution on the plea that he was putting
down, not freedom of belief, but open blasphemy. It is also
dear that, however much the Reformation may have tempo-
rarily overclouded the European sky with dark fanaticism,
it Eventually worked out the academic freedom of the Renais-
sance into a far broader religious liberty for the peoples as a
whole.
Passing over, as not particularly important, what has re-
cently been done on Luther's preaching,*^ teaching,** and
hymns,*' a word must be said as to the catechisms.*^ A source
for the first part of the catechisms has now been found in a
book on the Ten Commandments printed at Strassburg in
1516. Since that same year, at least, Luther had r^ularly
preached on them; three cycles of sermons of the year 1528
furnishing him with the well-worked material digested into the
Small and Large Catechisms. These were prepared togeth^,
the Small Catechism coming out in tabular form in January,
1529, and in book form in May, and the Large Catechism in
•0 N. Pauliu, ProieHanHtmus und ToUram, 1911; K. Vttlker, ToUram und Iniol-
erans im ZeitaUer der Reformation, 191%; ¥,R}iBxdfRdigiou$ Liberty, 191%; ILLewin,
Luthere Stdlung gu den Juden, 1 91 1 ; P. Wappler, Die SteUung Kwreaeheene und Philippe
von Heeeen sur Tauferbewegung, 1910; 6. L. Burr: ' Anent the Middle Age8»' American
Hietorieal Review, 191S, 710-786; K. Sell, 'Der Ztuammenhaiig von BeformAtiob und
politjachen F^eiheit,' Abhandlungen vnd Theologieehen ArbeUen atte dem rheiwiedien
wieeeneehefiliehen Predigerverein, N. F. zii, 1910; J. A. Faulkner, 'Luther and Tolera-
tion,' Papere of the American Society of Ckurch Hieiory, £d Series, iv (1914), pp. 189 ff.;
Preserved Smith, Life and Lettere of Luther, 8d ed.. Preface, 1914.
•1 L. Ihmeb, Dae Dogma in der Predigt LtOhere, 1918; J. A. Singmaster, 'Luther
the Preacher,' Lvtheran Quarterly, July, 1917.
tt W. Friedensbuzg^ Oeeckiehte der UnivereiUU Wittenberg, 1917; W. Kohler, Die
Rrformation und die Studenten, 1917.
" J. F. Lauchert, Luther'e Hymne, 1917; O. Albiedit, 'Daa Lutherlied, Was
fttrchst du Feind Herodes?' Theologieehe Studien und Kritiken, 1918, pp. 887 ff.;
O. Br&mer, 'Und keinen Dank dazu haben,' Lutheretudien, 1917, pp. 78 ff.; B5hmer
(Luther im Lichie der neueren Forechung, 4th ed., p. 146) now asserta that Luther com-
posed the music to Ein* feete Burg, Grisar (iii, 890), dates this hymn in 1588» calling
attention to the striking parallels in the Sennons on John (Werke, Weimar, zxviii).
** J. Adam, in Evangeliedte Freiheit, xii, 5; O. Albrechtv LuAere Kateckiemen, 1916.
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A DECADE OF LUTHER STUDY 12S
April. As early as 1528 Melanchthon speaks ** of a schoolbook»
or primer, containing the alphabet, creed, Lord's Prayer, and
other prayers. Luther's catechism was soon used in the same
way; an example of an edition apparently unknown to the
Weimar editors is in the library of Mr. 6. A. Plimpton of New
York.w
Among the newer works on Luther's theology may be men-
tioned those of McGiffert, Gottschick, Seeberg, and Tschack-
ert, and the slighter essays of Faulkner, Baranowski, Preuss,
Pohlmann, Lagrange, and Stange.*^
V. Last Years
Luther's private life continues to attract attention, ospeci-
aUy as our chief source for knowing it, the wonderful Table
Talk, is now coming out in the Weimar edition in fuller and
better form than ever.** Various studies •• of the reliability of
^ Lviheri Werke, Weimar, zxvi, 287.
" Parvus eateekUmus pro puerU in Sehoia nuper ancfiM. ... Ad ludum literarium
Autor: Farve puett parvum tu n$ eontemns libeUum, ConHnet kie mmmi Dogmata mmma
Dei. Follows a woodcut of the crudfiz. There is no date, It hefpiu with letters,
YOweU, diphthongs and consonants in Latin. There is a picture illustrating each Com-
mandment, one blowing baptism by immefsion and one showing the wafer put into
the communicant's mouth. Mr. Plimpton also has a DsutieA CaieMsmu* Mar»
Luther. Oedruckt su NUrmberg dureh Frieieriohen Peypue aua verlegung dee Ereamen
mane Leonard su der Affdi BUdKpikrer m NUrmberg. mdxziz. Mr. Plimpton also
possesses, Parvue eatednemue pro puerie in eduia nuper auchte per MarH. Luth. Wite-
bergae. 1548. Preface by John Sauromannus to Hermann Crotus Rubeanus, dated
September 89.
v' A. C. McGiffert, Proteetant Thought btfore Kant, 1011; J. Gdttscfaii^ Luihere
Theologie, 1014; Tschadcert, Die Entetekung der lutheriechen und der Reformierlen
KtrdtenMre, 1910; J. A. Faulkner, 'Luther and the Divinity of Christ,' Methodiet
Review, 1018, pp. 878 ff.; R. Seeberg, LuAere Lekre, {Dogmengeeekiehte, vol. 4), 1017;
L. Ihmels, Dot ChrieteniumLuthere in eeinerEigenart, 1917; B.Pnuaa, LuthereFHhn-
migkeiU 1917; Pohlmann, Die Qreme fdr die Bedeutung dee rdigHken ErUbnieeee hei
Luther, 1980; J. M. lagrange, The Meaning of Chrietiamty aceording to Luther and hie
FoUoufere in Oermanif, 1980; C. Stange, Luther und doe eitdiohe Ideal, 1910.
M Luthere Tieckreden, Weimsor, 4 vols. 1018ff.
** Kroker, in ArMv Jikr Rtformationegeechiehte, viii (1911), pp. 160 ff.; and in
Jahhudi dee Luther-Vereine tu Wittenberg, i, 1919; A. Yfvhi, 'Beitrtlge sur Kritik der
Uberheferung von Luthers TischgesprMchen der Frtthieit,' ArdnvfUr lUformationeg&-
eMehU, zvii (1980), pp. 11 ff.; F. Cohrs, in Lutheretudien vur i. Jakrhunder^eier, 1917,
pp. 159 ff.; L. Christiani, 'Les Fropos de Table de Luther,' JBspm dss QuMtione Hie-
ioriquee, 1911, pp. 470 ff.; 1918, pp. 101 ff., 486 ff.
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124 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
this record agree that it is of inferior value to the written
works, but nevertheless of considerable worth. An English
translation of selections, practically all based on the new edi-
tions, has been published in Boston.^^^
The treasures of the Luther house, now a museum, at Witten-
berg, have been catalogued by J. von Pflugk-Hafttung.***
Various short articles deal with the Reformer's life within that
house and with his family.'^ The old story that Catharine
von Bora came to Amsdorf and offered to marry either him or
Martin Luther has been traced to its source in an ungallant
passage from the memoirs of Amsdorf, who added, untruly,
that she was avaricious and took poor care of her husband.^^
It may interest Americans to know that the Reformer's wed-
ding ring, or betrothal ring, has been brought to America by
its owner, a German baroness bom, now Mrs. Maximilian
Pinkert.^®* A novel by J. Ejiudsen, translated into German
by Mathilde Mann under the title Angst, turns on Luther's
supposed love for a niece of Frau Cotta. A photo-play showed
at Berlin in 1914 made Catharine von Bora follow her hero to
the Diet of Worms.>»»
A study of Luther's Early Portraits that appeared in Scrib-
fief's Magazine ^^ traced to their origins several contemporary
woodcuts, one of which, now in the London Record Office, was
apparently sent to Henry VLU by his ambassador in Germany.
Much fuller works ^^ exhibit the early authentic likenesses of
the man and the subsequently changing ideal of the Reformer
1910.
ioi 'AuB dem Lutherhaiue su Wittenberg/ ZeiUckrift fUr KirdienguMchU, zzx;
E. Kroker, in Arekiv fUr RiformaHotugesekiDhis^ xvn (1020), 280ff. On the looting of
this miueum by robben recently, see the New York Times, January 4» 1919.
i« Preserved Smith, 'The Personal Side of Luther,' HomiUtie FUview, October, 1917.
1* £. Kroker, 'Lathers Werbung von Xatharina von Bora,' LuilurHudUn, 1917,
pp. 140ff.
^M New York Timee, January 24, 1916. The ring was for some time on exhibition
at the New York Historical Society.
^M On this, H. von Schubert, LiOheri FrUkentwieklung, 1916, p. 7. The plot of
Angti must resemble that of Mrs. Charles's SMnberg-^otta Family,
^M July, 1918, by Preserved Smith.
*^ H. Pkeuss, Lvih0rbUdni$$e hiHorittMndtieeh geeiehUt und erUhOert, 1914; J.
Picker, Die (OUeUn Bildnieee Lvihen, 1920.
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A DECADE OF LUTHER STUDY 125
tluroughout the centuries, to all of which he appeared in a dif-
ferent character, as the Man of God, the Prophet, the Pietist,
the Rationalist, the Liberal, the Patriot, the Personality. It
may be worth noting here that paintings of Luther and his
wife were made, probably after Cranach, by Lorenzo Lotto in
Venice in 1640.i^' Are these the ones now in the Milan Gal-
lery? Other likenesses now and then turn up.^®* The death-
mask is now known to be spurious.^^®
Various studies of several aspects of Luther's declining years
have thrown into relief his relations with Philip of Hesse,^"
with Schwenckfeld,^" and with Calvin.^" Three npw accounts"*
of his death have bepn discovered in America, the first, believed
by Spaeth to be by John Albrecht, clerk of Mansf eld, has been
criticized by Strieder in Germany; that published by Burr is
a worthless account by aoi unknown writel*; the third is a
letter from Ca^ar Hedio to Count Philip of Hanau, dated
March 16 and 19, 1546. A new form of the Catholic legend of
Luther's death, to the effect that the devil carried him away as
he was blaspheming the Virgin, has been discovered in France."*
^^ Le QaUerie NoMumali Itdiatu. I. Roma. 1884, p. 123, "libro dei conti di
Lorenzo Lottos" entiy in Lotto's hand : *' 1540, 17 ott. A Mario d' Annano, suo nipdte,
doi quadretti del retratto de Martin Luter et sua moier per donarli a] Tristan." On
the portrait of Lather seen by Bembo at Mantua in 1587, see V. Cian, in QiomaU
Storieo ddla LetUrahira lUdiana^ ix (1887), p. ISl.
^» See ZeiUchriftfuT Biicherfreunds, N. F. iv, 221 ff., 1918, and a, 178 ff., 1918.
^^^ B5hmer, LtUher im Lichte der neueren Forsekung, 5th ed., 1918» p. 297.
^^^ J. A. Faulkner, ' Luther and the Bigamous Marriage of Philip of Hesse,' American
Jounud of Theoloinff 1018, pp. 206 ff.
^" Carput SekwendefMitmorum^ ed Hartranft, vols, ii to iv, 1911 ff.; E. Ecke,
SdiweneJrfddf LtUheft und der Oedanke einer apoeioUeehen ReformaUont 1911.
^" NOsgen in Neue KirMidu Zeiieehr^ zzii (1911), 7ff.; £. Doumergue, Jean
Ca2i?»n,ii,562ff.
^>* G. L. Burr, 'A new Fragment on Luther's death,' American Historical Review^
zvi (1911), 1 ff.; A. Spaeth, in LtUheran Church Review, xnx (1910), SIS ff. On this,
denying its value, see J. Strieder, in Historieche VierUljahrechrifU zv (1912), 879 ff.;
and Theclogieche Studien und Kritiken, 1918, pp. 814 ff.; J. Strieder, AuthenUeche
BericJde iiber Lutiiere letxte Lebeneetunden (Kleine Tezte, no. 99); J. Heederschee^
* Luther's Laatste Levensdagen,' Theoioffiech Tijdsdmft, li (1917), 5 ff.; C. Schubait,
Beridiie Hber Lvihers Tod und BegrSbniBy 1917; Preserved Smith, 'Some Old Unpub-
lished Letters,' Harvard Theological RevietD, 1919, pp. 204 ff. Two letters on the subject
were published by G. Kawerau in Theoiogieehe Studien und Kritiken, 1918, pp. 184 ff.
"* Lee Regretz et Complainetes de Patee partout et Bruict qui courL . . . Par Fr.
Picart, 1557; quoted by H. Hauser, £tude» eur la R£forme franeatee^ 1909, p. 278.
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126 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
VI. Works, Documents, Bibliogbaphies
The great Weimar edition of Luther's works is now, with
sixty volumes, nearing completion.^^^ A number of German
editions of selections and translations from the works have
come out recently, the most important for scholars being that
in five volumes by O. Clemen."^ Two volumes of an e!xcellent
English translation are due to the labors of American Lutherans;
let us hope that the other eight volmnes will follow as planned.^^^
A convenient list of the Reformer's works, complete, and with
references to the bfest edition, has come from the pen of Pro-
fessor Gustav Kawerau."*
Eleven volumes of Luthcir's letters were published by Enders
before his death in July, 1907. The work was then taken up by
Professor Gustav Kawerau, who brought out the next five
volumes, and had almost completed reading the proof of the
seventeenth when he died, December 1, 1918. Professor Paul
Flemming completed the printing of the seventeenth volume,
containing the letters of the year 1546 and supplements to the
year 15S6;"® he writes me that another volume of supplements
may be expected. An English version "^ of copious selections
from Luther's correspondence and of contemporary letters
bearing on his career, furnishes also some new material and
aims to correjct Enders in the light of recent research. Numer-
^^* Luther$ Werhe^ Kritiiehe Oesammiausgabe^ u. s. w., Weimar, 188S ff. On this,
O. Albrecfat in LuUurHudietit 1917, pp. 29 ff.; the same volume contains much else on
Luther's manuscripts, and on their first printing.
"^ LtOherM Werke in Attswshl, hng. von O. Gemen, 1912 ff.
"* Works of Martin LuOur. Philadelphia, Hohnan. 2 vols., 1915, 1916 (transla-
tions by C. M. Jacobs, W. A. Lambert, J. J. Schindel, A. T. W. Steinhaeuser, and A.
L. Steimle).
^1* Kawerau, Lutkers Sehriften nath der Reikenfolgs der Jakrm verzeidinel, 1917.
^*" Dr. Martin Lutkers BrUfwechself bearbeitet von E. L. Enders, fortgesetst von G.
Kawerau, weitergefUhrt von P. Flemming. Vol 17. 1920. Phifessor Flemming has
most kindly sent me the proofs of part of volume IS, publication of which is delayed.
Professor Kawerau's death was a personal sorrow to me» as I shall never forget the ex-
traordinary kindness he showed to me» an utter stranger, during my student years in
Berlin.
"^ Luther^ s Corre s pondence and other Contemporary Letters, translated and edited by
Preserved Smith. Vol 1,1918. Vol. ii, in oollaboraltion with C. M. Jacobs, 1918.
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A DECADE OF LUTHER STUDY 127
ous supplements to the letters may be found scatte^*ed through-
out German magazines; and various studies of the subject
should not pass without notice.^^ Among collections of per-
tinent docimients that by Kidd ^*" should be remembered, and
among paleographical studies those by Clemen and Mentz.^^
At the head of recently published bibliographies stapd the
comprehensive work of Gustav Wolf,"* and the eighth edition
of Dahlmann-Waitz.*** A less pretentious but well sel^ected
bibliography has been published in English by Kieffer, Rock-
well, and Pannkoke.^*^ New editions of BOhmer's LtUher im
Lickte der neueren Forschung,^^^ now translated into English,
are as readable as ever but no more reliable than before.
Thoroughly trustworthy estimates of recent research in this
field may be found in the works of Reu"* and of Kohler."*
The Lutheran Quarterly has printed a complete list of English
translations of Luther's works, numbering an even hundred
titles,"!
Of the many new biographies of Luther called forth by the
quadricentenary or its approach, only the scientifically note-
worthy can here be reviewed. By far the most important ia
1" T. Lockenumn, TeehmKi^ Studien su Lvihen Brufen an Friednch den Weiaeny
1918; P. Flemming, *Die Lutherbriefe in der Rttrenammlung,' in Studien 0, Kaw&rau
dargebrackl^ 1917, pp. 21 ff.; G. Kawerau, 'Die Bemtlhtmgen im 16, 17, und IS
Jahrirandert, Luthen Briefe su wtmniftln nnd heraussugeben,' in Ltdherghidien, 1917,.
Iff.
^** B. J. Kidd, Doeumentiofihe Continental RefomaHon, 1911.
^ 6. Mento, Handeekriften aue der RefomuOionMzeit, 1912; O. Clemen, Hand*
eekripenproben one der ReformaUoneseii^ 1911.
i** Qudlenhinde der deuieehen Reformation^ 2 vols., 1915, 1916; on Lather, ii, 167 ff»
To this should be added A. Herte's dissertation. Die Lutherbioffraj)kie dee /. Coddaeue^
1915, and the bibliogn4>hy in Preserved Smith, Age oj ike Reformation^ 1980.
^ QueOenkunde der deutseken QeeehvAiet Bth ed., 1918. C/. also BiUiograpkie der
edekeiidten QeeMddet hrsg. von R. Bemmann, i, 191S.
^^ Liel of Rtfereneee on ike Hietory cf tke Reformation in Oermanyt by G. L. Kieffer»
W. W. BockweU, and O. H. Pannkoke, 1917.
^ Fourth edition 1917, fifth 191B; English translation from third edition, 1916.
» J. M. Reu, Thwtf^five Yeare of Ltdker Reeearek, 1917.
^^ 'Der gegenwl&rtige Stand der Lutherforschung,' ZeiteekriftfUr Kirtkengeeekickte^
zzzvii (191S), pp. 1-60.
^^ Preserved Smith, 'Complete List of Worki of Luther in En^^ish,' LuUneran
Quarierkf, October, 1918. Cf. also F. Wiener, Naoffeorgue in Engli^ 1918.
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128 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
the immense effort represented in Hartmann Grisar's 2500
lexicon-octavo pages, three stout volumes in the German now
turned into six English ones.^** Disclaiming the intention of
writing an ''artistic biography/* with which he thinks the mar-
ket drugged, he purposes to judge Luther solely as a religious
phenomenon. Thus he is enabled to pass lightly over such
things as are well known or favorable to the Reformer, and
to dwell at immense length on whatever makes for his hostile,
albeit courteously expressed and template, verdict. The
most original and permanently valuable portion of the work is
the study of the early years, showing how the Reformer's life
reacted on the development of his doctrine. It was his quarrel
with the Observant friars that gave him his first idea of the
worthlessness of good works; it was his own hopeless struggle
against concupiscence that convinced him of man's impotence
of will. Grisar's further criticisms of Luther's character and
influence are in part justified; but had he been in reaUy genial
relations with his subject he would never have thought that
what he objected to much mattered. But if the book be judged
not by its bias or by the merits of the question* but by what
can be learned from it, Grisar's immense erudition will give it
high rank.
Other biographies, mostly of the popular sort, must be men-
tioned for special qualities — Elsie Singmaster's for its charm-
ing style; ^^ Schubert's new edition of Hausrath for its com-
bined brilliancy and insight;^ the work of Schreckenbach and
Neubert "' for its astounding wealth of instructive illustration;
those of Hamack, Lenz, and Kohler ^'* for their thorough re-
i<* H. Gruar, LtOher, 8 vp^ 1911, 1912; English tranfllation by £. M. Lamond,
6 voIb., 191S ff. Among the many reviews of this work or replies to it, the most im-
portant Protestant criticism b G. Kawerau, Luther in katkolMier BdeuMung, 1911.
i» £. Singmaster (Mrs. E. S. Lewis), Life cf Martin Luther^ 1917.
^** A. Hausrath, Luthere Leben. Neue Auflage von H. von Schubert, 1914. Haus-
rath occasionally makes rash and unsupported statements, some of which were taken
over from the first edition by A. C. McGiffert in his life of Luther, 1911.
i» Martin LvOim^Mit S8J^ Biidun^fen, von P. Schreckenbach und F. Neubert, 1916.
^" A. von Hamack, if. Luther und die BegrUndung der RrformaOon, 1917; W.
Kohler, M. Luther und die deuUehe Reformation^ 1916; Id., if. Luther der deuteehe
Reformator, 1917; M. Lenz, Luther und der deutethe Oeiet, 1917. Cf. also Etsin, if.
Luther, eein Leben und eein Werk, 1917; P. Severinsen, if. Luthere Lie, 1911.
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A DECADE OF LUTHER STUDY 129
liability and skilful compression; that of Christiani ^" for its
worUdessness. TU!e new volume of A. Berger's M. Luther in
kulturgeschickUicher DarsteUung ^^^ is notable for its careful
analysis of the Reformer's influence on contemporary and sub-
sequent art, literature, music, and philosophy. He reckons
Luther's career as th^ first revejation of German inwardness in
its world-transforming might, and he calls his discovery that
the church was a purely spiritual entity the greatest that had
ever come into the history of the church.
Perhaps a little study by Walther on Luther's character is
best placed next to the biographies. Taking, as usual, the
r61e of an attorney for the defence, Walther feels called upon
to apologize for, or to praise, every single act and trait of his
hero, though this is difficult, for the very brilliancy of the man's
moral complexion makes the blotches on it stand out all the
more distinctly.^** An Italian, writing on the same subject,
concludes that Luther was a paranoiac afflicted with morbid
egotism as a monomania.^^^
Of the general histories in which Luther plays a large part no
more can be said than to mention by name those of Vedder,
Walker, Hulme, Below, W. C. Abbott, G. F. Moore, Bauslin^
Taylor, and Preserved Smith.^^^ But the monographs devoted
to an explanation of his influence and place in thought call for
^o L. Chrifliiani: Du LuMranUme au Protutantisme 1517-28, 1911.
^^ A. E. Berger, LuOur in kukurgeichiMLidiar Darddlung» Zweiter Teil, sweite
Halfte, 1919.
^ W. Walther, Lvihers Charakter, 1917. See also N. SOderblom, Humor oeh MtUm-
kdU och andra LutherHudier, Stockholm, 1919.
^^ Rivari, La menie ed U carattere di Martino Lutiuro^ 1914.
^^^ H. C. Vedder, The RtfamuOion in Qtrmany, 191S. Good summary, though too
seveie, of effects of Reformatioii, pp. 889-398; W. Walker, Exitory of ike Chnetian
CAiif^l918; E.M.Kuk[iefTheRsnai»eanee^thePToteiianiRe9oiuti^
Reformation^ 1914; 6. von Below, Die Ursaohen der ReformaHon, 1917; W. C. Abbott,
The Expaneion of Europe^ 2 vols. 1918; G. F. Moore, Hietory of ReUgione, iL Judaiem,
Ckrieiianity, Mohammedaniem^ 1919; D. H. BausUn, The Lutheran Movement of the
Sixteenth Century, 1919; H. O. Taylor, Thought and Expreeeion in the Sixteenth Century,
8 vols. 1980; Preserved Smith, The Age of the ReformatUm, 1980. One might add for
the sake of completeness the worthless Catholic review by P. Bernard^ 'Pour le qua-
tritae centenaire de la lUformation,' Studee, Tome 168, pp. 187 ff., 808 ff., 468 ff.,
788 ff.; Tome 154, pp. 157 ff., 805 ff., 480 ff. (1917-1918). The famous OutUnee of
Hietory by H. G. Wells has only a few conventional sentences on Luther.
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130 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
a slightly more specific treatment. First of all, for the sake
of convemence> one may put the anthologies, or studies tracing
thje changing opinion of the Reformer throughout the cen-
turies. To the general reviews by Wentz and Harvey may be
added the special studies of estimates of Luther in Germany
by Eckart, in Prance by L. H. Humphrey, and in England by
Preserved Smith.^**
Ernst Troeltsch ^^ continues to defend and develop his view
of Luther as a conservative force in religion, to emphasize the
likeness of Old Protestantism and Catholicism and their com-
mon contrast with the New Protestantism which began in the
Enlightenment. Luther's sole object, he urges, was the old
one of attaining salvation, and as he sought to attain it in a
new way he overemphasized the means at the expense of the
end sought, thus finally making the tyranny of dogma unbear-
able. With Luther, Troeltsch writes:
The assurance of salvation must be based on a miracle in order to be cer-
tain; but this miracle must be one occurring in the inmost centre of the per-
sonal life, and must be clearly inteUigible in its whole intellectual significance
if it is a miracle which guarantees complete assurance. . . . The sensuous
sacramental miracle is done away, and in its stead appears the mu^e of
thought, that man in his sin and weakness can grasp and confidently assent
to such a thought. That is the end of priesthood and hierarchy, the sacra-
mental oonununication of ethico-religious powers.
Walter K5hler, on the other hand, attributes a high value to
the new thought brought in by Luther, finding in him the f ore-
nuiner of transc^dentalism; his greatness was that ^'he so
completely penetrated the objective world of concepts that it
lost, not indeed its existence, but its value, and instead of on
^^ A. £. Harvey, ' Martin Lather in the Estimate of Modem Historians,' American
Journal of Theology, July* 1918; A. R. Wents, Martin Luther in the Changing Light of
Four Centuriee, 1016; R. £ckart» Luther und die RefomuOion im Urteil bedetdender
MOnner, 2d ed., 1917; L. H. Humphrey, 'French Estimates of Luther,' Lutheran
Quarterly, April, 1918; Pjreserved Smith, ' English Opinion of Luther,' Harvard Theotogy-
eal Renew, 1917. The last chapter of The Age of the Reformation by the same writer
is devoted to a history of the historiography of the Reformation.
^ E. Troeltsch, ProteetanHem and Progreee, 1912, pp. 198, 192 f.; Id., 'Luther
und der Protestantismus,' Neue Rundechau, October, 1917; Id., 'ftotestantismus
und Kultur,' Religion in OeedMde und Oegentoart, 1912. Troeltsch's view that Luther
was medieval is exaggerated by R. Wolff, Studien su Luthere Wdtane^auung, 1920.
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A DECADE OF LUTHER STUDY 131
this the postulates by which we live became anchored on the
ground of the subject and of its experience." ^^
A judicious and philosophical estimate of the problem of
Luther's significance is given by P. Imbart de la Tour."* Call-
ing attention to the fact that Luther revolted from the church
only in the interests of a larger chiurch, he argues that, though
autonomy of religion and conscience would have been the logical
result of some of his doctrines, nevertheless in fact, "'his com-
pletely mystical doctrine of inner inspiration has no resemblance
whatever to our subjectivism. The idea of a doctrinal truth
aiid of a religious society always obsessed him." Imbart de
la Tour finds it remarkable that Luther's pessimistic doctrine
could succeed in the young, ardent society of the Renaissance,
rjid thinks this success was due to his personality, which was
his o;nly true originality. He sums up adversely: ^'The classic
spirit, free institutions, the democratic ideal, all these great
forces by which we live are not the heritage of Luther."
Nietzsche's idea of the Reformation as a great reaction and
nothing more is now held in many quarters. The extreme and
amusing expression given to it by Anatole France may be
quoted on account of its author's fame. After recounting the
triimiphs of the Renaissance, when men began to revive an-
tiquity and to make discoveries, he continues: "*
From that time the star of the God of the Christians paled and began to
set. . • . Already the comely Graces and the Nymphs and Satyrs danced in
merry choir; at last th^ earth rediscovered joy. But, oh horror! oh ill
fortune! oh fatal event! A German friar, swollen with beer and theology,
set himself against this renascent paganism, threatened it, fulminated against
it, prevailed alone against the princes of the church, and, rousing the people,
^^ ' Luther hat die ol^ective Begriffswelt so vOllig durcfadrungen, das sie swar nicht
ihre Fr^ft*"*! wohl aber ihren Wert verier, und statt deasen der Anker der LebeiMbe-
hauptung auf den Boden des Subjects und wtmtr Erfahning fiel.' Luther und dU
deutiche EtformaUont 1016. Santayana would agree with Trodtsch in this statement,
bbt would deplore instead of exulting in it See his Egcftitm in Qennan PhUoeophy^
1917, pp. 1 ff., 2S.
2«* *Luther,' in Etmu des Deux Mandee^ 1012, 6™* p^riode, pp. 800 ff.; the same
reprinted in Lee (Hginee de la Rifonnep iii, 1014, chap. 1; Id, 'Pourquoi Luther
nVt-il pas cr66 qu'un Christianisme aDemand?' Reeue de MHa'phytique et de MoraU,
lOlS, pp. 575-612.
i« A France^ La BhoUe dee Angee, 1014, pp. 287 ff.
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132 HARVAKD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
led them to a reform which saved what was about to be destroyed* . . .
This robust sailor repaired, caulked, and rdaunched the derelict bark of the
church. Jesus Christ owes it to this scamp of a friar that his shipwreck was
put off for perhaps more than ten centuries. From this time things went
from bad to worse. After the big fellow with the cowl, drunken and quarrel-
some, came the long, dry doctor of Geneva, full of the spirit of the antique
Jehovah, who tried to force the world back to the abominable times of Joshua
and the Judges of Israel, a madman in his cold fury, a heretic burning heretics,
the most savage enemy of the Graces.
From the opposite point of view the Catholic admits and
laments the same facts. For Hilaire BeUoc the Reformation was
the turning back of the tide of culture and Christianity repre-
sented by the Catholic Church, and Luther was '"one of those
exuberant, sensual, rather inconsequential, characters," who
did not know what he was doing, or what he wanted to do.^^^
The same view of Luther as the great reactionary is set forth
by Havelock Ellis, who speaks of him as *'the gigantic peasant
who, with too exub^ant energy, battered th<e dying church into
acute sensibiUty, kicked it into emotion, galvanized it into life,
prolonged its existence a thousand years." ^^^ The subject of
Luther's personality has drawn from his pen an original, if
not quite exhaustive, study."* He calls him an "adept in the
culture of his land and day, eagerly devoted to literature, a
poet, a good musician, accomplished in the mechanical uses of
his hands, the intimate friend of Cranach; a skilful dialecti-
cian," and "a true German in his close combination, alike in
speech and act, of the abstract with the realistic, of the emo-
tional with the material." Notwithstanding coarseness and
"a spitefulness once termed feminine," there is in him "some-
thing homely, human, genial, almost lovable."
Among the popular writers to pay their respects to the Re-
former the Lrish novelist George Moore has taken his place.
Having written an absurd drama on St. Paul and an obscene
biography of Jesus, he at one time designed to construct a
five-act play on Luther's career."® Mercifully, perhaps, he
^^ H. BbOoc Europe and the Faiih, 1020, pp. 210 f.
^^ Havelock EUia, Imprestiaiu and Commenis, 1015.
i« H. Ellis, The Phiiomyphy cf Conflict, second series, 1010, pp. 80-00.
^*^ George Moore, Confeeeione cf a Young Man, 1880, new ed. 1017, p. 161; on the
drama see further. Sake, 1012, pp. 183, 101 ff.; Vale, 1014, p. 104.
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A DECADE OF LUTHER STUDY 138
got no further than the dedication, a French sonnet to Swin-
burne, worth quoting for its popular interest:
Aooepte, tu verras la foi mAie au crime
Se souiller dans le saqg 8acr6 de la raisoD,
Quand surgit, redempteur du vieux peuple 8azoii»
Lutiier k Wittemberg oomme Christ k SoUme.
These interesting outbursts express in unbridled language
the not uncommon conviction that the Reformation was essen-
tially a reaction. Many voices "^ have been raised on both
sides of the hotly debated problem; it is amusing to notice an-
other popular writer speaking of Luther in exactly opposite
terms, as the restorer and not the destroyer of the antique
paganism. Gilbert Keith Chesterton writes: ^^That greaft and
human, but very pagan person, Martin Luther . . . was a
sign of the break-up of Catholicism, but was not a builder of
Protestantism. . . . He was an anarchist and therefore a
dreamer." "*
Professor Arthur C. McGiffert, who once saw in Luther "the
conservative and intolerant" man who "introduced a regime
of religious bigotry for a long time as narrow and as blighting
to intellectual growth as Roman Catholicism at its worst," ^^
and whose "idelals of liberty were not ours," now *•* asserts:
'*Not justification by faith is the central principle of the Prot^
estant Reformation^ but freedom for h\unan service." Pro-
fessor W. W. Rockwell's summary account of "Luther and the
Catholic Church" "* is well worth reading for its combined
^^ A. von Hamack, 'Die Reformation,' InUmaHonale Monatudtrift, id, 1918; M.
Lens, 'Lathers Weltgeschichtliche Stellung,' Preugnsche JahrbOeher, dxz (1017),
pp. liUi ff.; F. Heiler, Luikeri rdigionsgeichi^dicke Bedeutung, 1918; Reuue de MUapky^
nqm tt de MoraUt 1918, artidee by C. A. BemouiDi, 'La R^fcrme de Luther et les
problimes de la cidture preaente'; E. Ehrhardti 'Le sens de la revolution religieuse et
morale accomplie par Luther'; J. Chevalier, 'Les deux B^formes: le Luth^ranisme en
Allemagne* le Calvinisme dans les pays de langue anglaise'; C. Andler, 'L'esprit
conservateur et l'esprit r6volutionnaire dans le LuthAranisme.'
1" G. E. Chesterton, The Crimes of England, 1918. Cf. also his IrM Impreenons,
1980, p. 806.
^" Martin LuOm: The Man and Ei$ Work, 1911, p. 882.
iM <The Unfinished Beformation,' in BtJietin cf Union Theologied Seminary,
October 81, 1917.
»» Ihid.
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1S4 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
judiciousness and brilliance of statement. My own estimate of
Luther and the Reformation has often been given, and need
not be repeated here.^**
The connection between the Reformation and the Great War
has received attention in a large number of books, of which
only a few can be mentioned here."^ Paquier, the French
Catholic, holds that Luther was largely responsible for the war
by his teaching of blind obedience to the state, by his separa-
tion of inward justification from outward works, by his express
approval of war, and by his brutality and chauvinism. Weiss»
a French Protestant, asserts that the war is an apostasy from
Luther's doctrine, though the actions of the Germans in it
might have been foretold in his saying, ^' We Germans are and
remain Germans, that is, swine and beasts without reason."
Kawerau, a German Protdstant, mobilizes Luther in favor of
an active prosecution of the war and quotes his severe judg-
ments of French, English, and Italians. Bishop Hensley Hen-
son,^^^ in a sermon preached on the quadricentenary festival of
the Reformation, exonerates Luth^ from responsibility for the
subsequent growth of German materialism and militarism. On
the contrary, ^'his supreme and imassailable merit,'' Henson
thinks, '"lies in the fact that he led the way in a process of
spiritual emancipation. ... He was cast in a large mould
and was never consciously false to his perception of truth."
Three special topics for which no convenient place has been
found in the above summary, must perforce be put in the ap-
^■* Life cmd Letien of Martin Luther^ 1911, and preface to second edition, 1914;
'Luther/ in InUmatianal Eneydopaedia, 1918; 'Lutber 1017-1917, Outlook^ October
81, 1917; 'The Reformation 1517-1917,' BtblioUuea Sacra, January, 1918; 'The
Reformation interpreted in the Light of its Achievements,* Paper read at American
Historical Association, December, 1917, to be printed in Papen of ike Ameriean Society
cf Church Hietory; The Age of the ReformatUm, IWtO.
^^ J. Paquier, Luther et VAUemagne^ 1918, with list of books on the subject, pp.
viiiff.; N. Weiss, 'Pour le quatriime oent^naire de la Reformation,' BvUeUn de la
SocOU de rHistoire du ProUetanHsme Francaie, 1917, pp. 178 ff.; E. Kawerau, Luthere
Oedanken liber den Krieg, 1916; E. Vermeil, 'Les aspects religieuz de la guerre,' Reeue
de Mitaphyaique et de Morale^ 1918» pp. 898-921; J. A. Faulkner: 'Luther and the
Great War,' LiOheran Quarterly, October, 1980, pp. 448 ff.
iM Sermme, 1918, p. 874. Cf, Preserved Smith, 'Luther and the Hohensollems,*
OuOook, April 28, 1919.
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A DECADE OP LUTHER STUDY 136
pendix to this report. Lauchert^^* has made an interesting
and thorough study of the opposition to Luther in Italy; E.
WolflF "® has tried to prove that the Faust of the originid Ger-
man Faust Book was a parody of Luther, this Faiist being a
professor at Wittenberg, learned and fond of drinking, his
marriage with Helena recalling the Catholic parody of the
wedding of Cath^urine von Bora, and the appearance before
the emperor that of his call to Worms; even his compact with
the devil being such as an apostate might make. An Ameri-
can student "1 has found the missing link between Luther and
Shakespeare in the "mooncalf '* adopted by the English poet
apparently from a translation of the Reformer's work of that
name.
^"* F. Lauchert, Die iiaUeniicken liieran$chen Oegner Lvihers, 1912.
^ £. Wolff, FauH und Luther, 1912. Luther is discussed in F. B. Busoni's new
opera, Doktor Fatut, 1920. The libretto is not from Goethe, but is original
^^ Preserved Smith, 'The Mooncalf,' Modem Philology, January, 1914.
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THE CHRONOLOGICAL SCHEME OF ACTS
BENJAMIN WISNEB BACON
Yaub UiayiaisriT
The lolicle * Chronology of the New Testament* by C. H.
Turner in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible marks an epoch in
this important subject. Its astronomical and calendar data
are indeed not unimpeachable, for the more recent studies of
Fotheringham ^ make it highly probable that a.d. SO should be
taken as the year of the crucifixion, rather than Turner's date
of A.D. 29. But Turner's careful survey of ancient sources
proves that from a very early time "the year of the two Ge-
mini" (a.d. 29) was fixed upon by tradition, and became the
accepted starting-point for primitive reckonings in both direc-
tions. Convenience of adjustment to the paschal cycle had
probably much to do with the adoption of this particular year,
which faciUtated harmonization; but at the very early period
to which it can be carried back tradition is not likely to have
varied more than a year or two from the correct date for so all-
important an event. While, then, a slightly earlier or later
absolute dating, such as a.d. SO, may obtain the preference of
modem chronographers it seems not impossible that the tra-
ditional date of 29 a.d. for the crucifixion may go back to the
period of Luke himself.*
A second contribution of value in the article referred to is
Turner's observation (p. 421) that the picture of the Book of
Acts '^is cut up, as it were, into six panels, each labelled with a
general summary of progress," the protagonist in the first three
being St. Peter, in the last three St. Paul; so that "the two
halves into which the book thus naturally falls make almost
equal divisions at the middle of the whole period covered."
It is no surprise to find this view of the structure of Acts
adopted in so standard a work as Moffatt's Introduction to the
1 Jornnd Qj Philology, zziz (1908), and Journal of Theohgieal Studie§, xii (1010), 45.
t Hie name "Luke" which tradition assigns to the author of the third Ciospel and
Book of Acts is empkyed in the present article without prejudice to the question of
real authorship.
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138 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
New Testament, for as to the division there can be no doubt,
while the reader who carefully examines the recurrent rubric
of Acts 6, 7; 9, 31; 12, 24; 16, 6, and 19, 20 will readily see
from its relation to the context that the author really does em-
ploy it to subdivide his work according to subject matter. It
seems the more surprising that in a chronological enquiry such
as Turner's the critic should not first attempt to estimate the
length of time required for the series of events related in each
of the successive * panels,' so as to do full justice to the Lukan
chronology in and for itself, before introducing outside con-
siderations such as the conveniences of travel, or the require-
ments of Paul or Josephus, in the attempt to reach an ultimate
chronology. Right method would seem to suggest that we
first get clearly the author's own idea before seeking to adjust
it to others. Unfortimately Turner's subdivision of the story
of Gentile evangelization in Acts 13-28 into periods of longer
or shorter duration (p. 421b) is made almost without reference
to the Lukan divisions at 12, 24; 16, 5; and 19, 20.
A recent article by Professor C. J. Cadoux in The Journal of
Theological Studies ' entitled * The Chronological Divisions of
Acts ' adduces some further considerations which should be
taken into the account, if Tm-ner's discovery is to have proper
valuation. Here, too, unfortimately, we can give no sweeping
endorsement.
It can hardly be conceded to Cadoux that the closing sen-
tence of the book (Acts 28, 31) should be counted as one of the
* rubrics.' Its whole tenor and purpose are diflFerent, and thtere
is little or no resemblance even in language. More could be
said for including in the series Acts 2, 47b ("And the Lord
added to their number daily those that were being saved"),
though even here we are inclined to attribute the clause to the
source only, and to explain the resemblance of its language to
the five * refrains' from the compiler's having taken the idea —
and to some extent the language — of hid simmiary from this
passage. An almost exact parallel can be found in the rubric
employed by the compiler of our first Gospel in Matt. 7, 28;
11, 1; 13, 63; 19, 1, and 26, 1 to divide his five 'books' of the
• VoL SIX (1017-18), pp. 88JM41.
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THE CHRONOLOGICAL SCHEME OF ACTS 1S9
teachiiig of Jesus, prefaced each by its introductory narrative,
from one anoiher and from the epilogue. A comparison of
Luke 7, 1 03 text) taking into consideration the peculiarities of
the idiom will show that the refrain is not a creation of our
first evangelist, but is merely adopted (like a whole series of
similarly stereotyped phrases) from the source he is following.
However, even Cadoux himself does not r^ard Acts 1, 1-2, 47
as a separate 'panel,' but as merely '"introductory"; and since
the other addition he would make is at the end, where a natural
terminus is reached anyway, his scheme for the division of Acts
into seven parts does not differ at all ''chronologically" and
but very little oth^wise, from Turner's into six. Cadoux's
really important contribution to the subject lies ebewhere. It
is a suggested explanation of the principle on which the various
stages of the story have been marked off by the 'refrain.'
Moffatt^ in adopting Turner's division had spoken of the
refrain as summarizing each section "by a rubric of progress";
but he takes the word "progress" in the geographical sense.
Cadoux rejects this on grounds which seem quite adequate, and
reverts to the view of Turner that the stages marked off are
chronological. We may venture to transcribe the extract
which he makes from the well-known article:
It remains only to adjust, by the help of these points, the division into
periods (see p. 421b), which is the single hint at a chronology supplied by St.
Luke in the earlier part of his work. . . . That the chronology here adopted
(t.e. Turner's) results in a more or less even division of periods — i. from a.d.
£9; ii. from a.d. 85; iii. from a.d. 89-40; iv. from a.d. 45-46; v. from a.d.
SO; vi. from a.d. 55 (to a.d. 61) — such as St. Luke seems to be contemplat-
ing, must be considered a slight step towards its verification (Hastings, Dic-
tionary of the Bible, i, p. 424).
It is also quite apparent that Turner's dates require readjust-
ment by reference to the well-known inscription at Delphi, from
which the pro-consulship of Gallio in Achaia can be dated in
A.D. 51-52. This is now commonly r^arded as furnishing our
most reliable point d^appui for the chronology of Paul. It is
true, as Cadoux observes, that Turner "'makes no use of it";
but this is pardonable since the discovery was not made known
until six years after the appearance of hid article. It is, how-
« IntrodueHoH to the New TeHammO, pp. 884 f.
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140 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
ever, a strDdng confirmation of Turner's results that his date
for Paul's arrival in Corinth is less than a year later than that
deduced by Deissmann from the inscription. A discussion of
Pauline chronology by the present writer which appeared in the
same year with Turner's came six months nearer still; but that
is attributable to good luck rather than to good scholarship.^
Turner himself would probably concede a correction on this
ground of perhaps a year in his later dates.
If we make the slight correction required by the Ddphi in-
scription, and in addition identify the visit of Paul and Barna-
bas to Jerusalem of Acts 11, SO with that which Paul also
records as his second in Gal. 2, 1-10, as many leading scholars
now demand, Tiuner's chronology will be verified in even
higher degree than its author claims — so Cadoux maintains —
by comparison with the Lukan division. For since the first
and last of the seven 'refrains' counted by Cadoux coincide
with the b^inning and end of the total period, extending from
the crucifixion (a.d. 2&-30) to the end of Paul's stay in Rome
(a.d. 59-60) the whole will consist of some thirty years, as
Turner's chronology requires. Acts, like the Gospel, will cover
a period of 80-Sl years. But in addition — and this is the
important point — the intervening five 'refrains' will appear
to be so distributed by the historian as to mark off his narra-
tive into periods of approximately five years, of which three
are given to the work of Peter and the Twelve in Palestine,
while the remaining three are occupied by the Gentile missions
of Paul, which start from Antioch. Starting from Passover
A.D. 29 these five-year periods will be reckoned as follows:
Founding of the church to Martyrdom of Stephen (Acts 6, 7) . . ▲.d. 29-84
Expansion in Palestine to Conversion of Paul (9,81) 84-89
Beginnings of Gentile Evangelization to Death of Agrippa (12* 24) 89-44
Antiochian Missions to Distribution of Decrees (16, 5) 44-49
Greek Missions to Founding of Ephesian Church (19, 20) 49-64
Ddegation to Jerusalem to Paul's Witness at Rome (end of Acts) 54-n69 (80)
The end of the Lukan narrative leaves the terminus of Paul's
activity somewhat vague. By what event it was marked does
* See Baocm, JnlitidiMficm to ^r«io rcffom^ni, 1900, p. fSO, ^
studies in Expodlor V» lix, Iz (November and December, 1890). The date anived at»
is "spring of 50." Deismann's is "caily in 50"; Turner's "faU of 50."
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THE CHRONOLOGICAL SCHEME OP ACTS 141
not appear; but the data of 28, 11-lS carry us on to only a
month or two from the succeeding Passover, the bcginnizig
season of the series. Otherwise the summaries might be exact,
and certainly coincide with principal divisions of the subject.*
Moreover the third refrain, brief as it is, surpasses all in thia
clearness with which it coincides with a strongly marked transi-
tion. The story here passes from the apostleship of Peter
among the Circumcision to the apostleship of Paul among the
Gentiles. There is further good fortune in the fact that in this
case we can also positively control the datings. For the nar-
rative of Josephus also implies the summer of a.d. 44 as th^
date for the death of Agrippa. On the other hand we have no
means of controlling the other dates save, fifBt^ inference from
the Pauline Epistles, second^ the requirements of time implied
in Paul and in the Lukan narrative itself. Cadouz's theory of
*'the chronological divisions of Acts'' must stand the double
tert, firsts of real consonance with the Lukan grouping of ma-
terial, second of agreement with absolute chronology.
1. The placing of the refrain in Acts 6, 7 is somewhat pecu-
liar, since we clearly have at 6, 1 a transition in subject matter,
and (in the general judgment of those who at all admit distinc-
tions of sources used by the compiler) transition to a new
source as well. With Acts 6, 1 we enter a new environment,
and meet presuppositions unexplained in the preceding narra-
tive. We abo proceed to wholly new interests and a new out-
look. The source-critic will be disposed to look upon this open-
ing paragraph (6, \S) as largely reconstructed by the editor
in the effort to adapt his extract from the new source (Antio-
duan?) to the narrative already framed.^ The upshot of the
editorial changes is that the seven Hellenistic leaders, who both
by their actual work and by subsequent reference (Acts 21, 8)
are really ^"evangelists," are transformed into subordinates to
the Apostles. They relieve the twelve of the task of '"serving
• On tbe placing of lef rains 1 and 4, see below. In both cases it is necessary to
^ ■i if iii giiiali the compiler's point of Tiew from that of the sources he empbys.
' See Bacon 'Siq>hen*s Speech' in Cofi<n&ti<i(m«iy (As StfifiOieofiaBt^^
Yale Bicentennial Publica t ions, 1901. The references in 6, 8 and 11, IS suggest a special
interest in Antioch.
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142 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
tables/' and become an order of "' deacons" ' in the mother
church» ranking below the Apostles but above "the widbws,"
who also now appear for the first time, and quite unexpectedly.
Considering this opening paragraph (Acts 6, 1-6) to be largely
bridge-work of the editorial character described, the very ob-
ject of which is to minimize the gap between disparate sources
by assigning a place for the new dramatis personae in the exist-
ing f rameworky it is not surprising that the retrospective sum-
mary should be postponed until the editor has completed his
account of the organization of the mother church. He can
proceed more appropriately thereafter with his story of the
dispersal by persecution. From the point of view, then, of the
ultimate compiler the refrain of Acts 6, 7 stands just where it
ought. It looks back over and sums up the story of the estab-
lishment of the mother church in Jerusalem, the "church of
the Apostles and Elders." The position of the fourth refrain
(16, 5) seems to be chosen with equal care on similar grounds. For
this story of development five years is a very reasonable time.
Again the date a.d. S4 for the outbreak of "the persecution
whidi arose about Stephen" (8, 1; 11, 19) is probable on ex-
ternal grounds if sufiident allowaiice be made for the Lukan
tendency to transform a scene of mere uncontrolled' mob vio-
lence into a formal trial and condemnation before the Sanhe-
drin. The outbreak against Stephen and the Hellenists (Acts
8, 1 explicitly excepts "the Apostles'* from its effects) would be
quite conceivable in the last years of Pilate, somewhat more
so than under his immediate successors. On both internal and
external evidence a.d. 29-S4 seems, therefore, a reasonable con-
ception of date to have been entertained by the compiler.
2. What, then, of the period of expansion described in Acts
6-8, during which in spite of persecution the gospel was carried
both northward to Samaria and southward through FhiUstia
to the border of Egypt?
Luke concludes his story of thid development with a glowing
account of the conversion of the persecutor and his early wit-
ness in Damascus and Jerusalem. If the account be properly
interpreted by its own impUcations solely, without intrusive
' The actual tena appears only in the /) text
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THE CHEONOLOGICAL SCHEME OP ACTS 14S
influence from Galatians upon our judgment of Luke^s mean-
ing, this early preaching will be understood as antedMing but
slightly the dose of the period. Standing where it does it might
possibly be r^ttrded as falling in part within the limits of the
next; for it is notoriously in Lukan style to introduce prolep-
tically at the dose of his sections material which really belongs
later, but serves to carry on the thread of connection.* Here,
however, no such extreme assumption is required. The natural
understanding will be that Paul's conversion, beginning of
work in Jerusalem, and escape through Caesarea to Tarsus fell
toward the dose of this period, t.^., in a.d. S7-S9. In order to
pass upon the question whether Luke really intends his second
refrain summarizing the growth of the church "throughout all
Judaea and Galilee and Samaria" (Acts 9, SI) to mark the
year 89 a.d. we must here pause for some further enquiry as to
the datings implied in the period of the Hellenistic persecution,
in particular that of the conversion of Paul.
i. Considered in themselves, without reference to Galatians,
the events related in Acts 6, 8-9, 81 would fall quite naturally
and easily within the limits 84-89 a.d. This being so, we have
no right to say that these were not the limits actually in the
mind of Luke, even if they fail to agree with data derived from
Galatians. For the wide divergence of Luke in just this por-
tion of his work from the data of Galatians makes it quite
supposable that he is here somewhat in error. On the other
hand it is not wholly insupposable that current datings of Paul's
conversion based on Gal. 2, 1 may be ten years out of the way,
since a group of scholars are ready to adopt the conjectiu*e of
Grotius changing the reading of Gal. 2, 1 from *^ fourteen" to
''four'' years by the omission of a single I. The supposition,
then, that Luke intends his second division to cover a period
corresponding to the years 84-89 a.d. has nothing against it
save the unwarranted assumption that he must agree with the
date for Paul's conversion implied in Gal. 2, 1.
ii. Paul's escape from Damascus as related in Acts 9, 28-25
is referred to by himself in 2 Cor. 11, 82 as having taken place
* So Luke 84, 44^58, with which compare AcU 1, (h9. Acti 11, 90 is aoaoeptible
of limibtt interpretation.
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144 HABVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
while the dty was being guarded by the ethnarch ^^imder
Aretas the king/' Not one of the interpretations thus far
proposed is wholly successful in removing the difficulty in
understanding how this could be possible at any date earlier
than S7-S8 a.d.» when Damascus probably did pass into the
control of Aretas. Under Roman control, which can be traced
with certainty from its coinage down to a.d. SS-S4, and on
other less cogent evidence down to the second summer of
Caligula's reign (a.d. S8)» Paul the Roman citizen would hardly
have been forced to such ignominious means of egress. So far
as the Epistles are concerned there is no need to connect this
escape with Paul's stay in Damascus immediately following his
conversion. It might equally well be assigned to the subsequent
period of which he writes in Gal. 1, 17, "" Again I returned to
Damascus." But Acts connects it with the conversion. Ac-
cording to the exact sense of Acts 9, 28 it was only '"some days"
(^/i^poi iKQjfoli) afterward. The time was in fact so short that
when the fugitive reached Jerusalem the astounding news of
his conversion to the faith he set out to persecute had not even
then been conveyed to the brotherhood. Between this escape
and the escape from Jerusalem, Luke inserts nothing but Paul's
interrupted work to the Hellenists of that city. Is it not reason-
able to suppose that he really means to date the conversion <A
Paul in A.D. S7-S8, even if he did not know that Damascus was
then "under Aretas the king"?
iii. Were we at liberty to alter th^ reading of Gal. 2, 1 from
^fourteen' to ^four' years the terminal dates of the Pauline
chronology would easily fall in line with Acts, however wide
the discrepancy as to the natiure of the Apostle's work before
coming to Antioch and as to th^ intervening date of his first
visit to Jerusalem. As aheady suggested we must either throw
out altogether the Lukan report of a 'famine-relief' visit, or
identify it, as Paul's second^ with that of Gal. 2, 1-10. For the
idea (still maintained by Turner) that Paul could pass over
such a visit unmentioned in Gal. 1, 1&-24 is inadmissible. On
this point even champions of Lukan infallibility are at last will-
ing to concede something to Paul. The occasion referred to in
Acts 11, SO and Gal. 2, 1 must be the same; but what of the
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THE CHRONOLOGICAL SCHEME OF ACTS 146
difference as to ageada? An answer to this question will in-
volve some discussion of Luke's relation to his soilrces.
Of all the sections of Acts the four verses here concerned
(11, 27-80) are among the least reliable. Prom verse 22 we
expect action of some sort on the question of the admission of
Gentiles, for this wa^ the object of Barnabas' mission to
Antioch. Paul, in Gal. 2, 1-10, gives exactly what we should
expect; but Luke gives something else. He defers the settle-
ment of the pending question of the admission of ujicircurndsed
Gentiles till after the Pirst Missionary Journey (Acts 13-14),
when Paul and Barnabas on an allied third visit to Jerusalem
can meet the objections raised by the Mosaists with an appeal
like that of Peter in 11, 1-18 to "'the signs and wonders God
had wrought through them among the Gentiles.'' This first
section (verses 1-11) of Luke's story of the Apostolic Council
is in fact little else than a parallel in the compiler's own words
to t(he story told by his source in 11, 1-18 (cf. j8 text). Acts
15, 1-11 could easily be reconciled with Paul if it stood in the
place now occupied by 11, 27-30. The rest of the story of the
Council tells of a settlement, by means of the four "decrees"
adopted at the instance of James, of the further question on
what basis believing "Jews which are among the Grentiles"
are to ^eat and associate' with their Gentile brethren. All are
to be protected from "the pollutions of idols" b|y certain rules
of "abstinence." The difficulty of reconciling this with Paul's
account of his controversy with Peter at Antioch, and with his
uniform treatment of the issue at stake, is notorious. But one
could hardly expect an Antiochian writer^® whose attitude
toward Peter and James is that displayed in Acts to tdl the
story as Gal. 2, 11-21 reveals it. If, however, the whole
question was to Luke's mind determined by the "decrees"
proposed by James at the council of "the Apostles and Elders"
at Jerusalem, it seems probable that he would assign an-
other motive for the visit recorded in 11, 22 ff.
Whatthen,of this story of famine*relief? Its chief actor is a
^® Very andent tradition recorded in the Old Latin prologues, and referred to by
Eiuebiiu, makes the author a native of Antioch. The tradition is stroni^ corrobo-
rated by the internal evidence.
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146 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
prophet named Agabus» who came down from Jerusalem to
Antioch and predicted "'a great famme over all the world
{dKoviUmi) y which came to pass in the days of Claudius/' Agabus
is known to us from the most reliable of Luke's sources in 21,
10-12. But, ha%, in the Travel Document, where Agabus meets
Paul at Caesarea with an entreaty not to imperil his lifeat Jeru-
salem, he appears as a previously imknown character. He must
be introduced to the reader as ^'a certain prophet.'' Moreover
tha% is no indication that he has ever met Paul before, or even
visited Antioch. He ""came down from Judaea." EquaUy un-
reliable is the story of church action which takes the place in
Acts occupied in the Pauline Epistles by the great contribution
of the Greek churches ^'for the poor among the saints that aie
at Jerusalem " (Rom. 15, 26) . The Antioch church may possibly
have followed the famous example of the royal convert Helena
of Adiabene in 45-46, and may have made Barnabas and Saul
bearers of its gift. But this was not the main occasion for the
journey; nor was it this contributicm, but that of the Pauline
churches, which called for mention at the hands of an impartial
historian.
Again we may assume, in order to meet the implications of
Luke's order, that there was another famine in 40-^1. ^<** But it
fails to appear in any other record, unless the asMuae sterUi-
totes which according to Suetonius distinguished the reign of
Claudius are called in to aid. The famine made memorable to
all Jews as well by its severity as by the lilndrality of Hdiena
b^an at least a year after the death of Agrippa, extending
over the procuratorship of Tiberius Alexander (46-47), after
having started under his predecessor, Cuspius Fadus (45-46).
Luke may have been misled by the Aramaic word kjhk ('land,'
or 'earth') as TorrQr ccmjectures, into regarding the famine as
world-wide (plicovfUyti); but he certainly misconceives its
ext^it, since if it had not been limited to Palestine Antioch
would have been no better off than Jerusalem, and (unless we
take refuge in our ignorance by assuming some other famine)
he is equally at sea r^arding its date. For he takes pains to
insert the mission of Paul and Barnabas to relieve it before his
^ SoHamadc
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THE CHRONOLOGICAL SCHEME OP ACTS 147
aooount of the persecution and death of Agrippa, under the
vague statement that it " came to pass in the days of Claudius/'
while the return of the envoys accompanied by Mark ^^ is re-
lated immediately after. Luke seems thus to have a perfectly
correct idea of the date of Agrippa's death, with which he in-
terlocks very closely the visit of Paul and Barnabas to Jeru-
salem; but he has a very vague idea of the date of the famine,
as he indicates by introdudng bis digression to tell the fortunes
of the mother diurch with the words "Now about that time"
{xar* bitivop 5i r6v Koxphv). Doubtless he knew the date of Agrip-
pa's accession (41) "in the days of Claudius/' but he does not
seem to recognize the persecution as an intfioZ policy. Hethinks
of the famine as occurring ca. a.d. 43-44, and therefore places
the del^ation from Antioch before the account of Agrippa's
persecuticm and death. But by placing the return of the envoys
cfier the royal demise he indicates his belief that this, at all
events, was not earlier thap the end of 44. Now if his refrain
is reapy intended to divide the story chronologically into (ap-
proximate) pentads his date for thie conversion of Paul will be,
as we have seep, a.d. ST-SS. His date for the visit to Jerusalem
will be 44-45. It is certainly noteworthy that this should agree
so closely with Gal. 2, 1 as emended. For if we read here
'four' instead of 'fourteen,' and count both termini (as the
rule of antiquity requires) in the intervals named in Gal. 1, 18
and 2, 1, Paul also will be reckoning six years from his conver-
sion to his visit with Barnabas to Jerusalem; and this on other
grounds cannot be dated far from a.d. 44-45, where Luke
seems to place it.
Finally the date of "fourteen years" in 2 Cor. 12, 2 will be
found to fall in quite as smoothly with this Lukan scheme.
The passage in question belongs to the last months of Paul's
stay in Ephesus ^' or slightly later. By Turner's dating, cor-
rected in conformity to the Delphi inscription, this would be
ca. Mt-56y bringing the vision referred to into the period of
^^ Mentioned in the loiiree (18, Id) in the phnae Luke employs in 18, 25, "John
whoee surname was Mark."
^ On the supposition that % Cor. 10, 1-13, 10 is a fragment of the painful letter of
adf-oommendation lefened to in 2 Cor. 8, 8-0; 8, 1.
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148 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Paul's stay in '* Arabia" (GaL 1, 17). It might even be brought
into a certain correspondence with Luke's account of a vision in
the temple (Acts 22» 17-21) » since both would mark the b^inning
of Paul's ministry to the Gentile^. In all respects save the incon-
venient I of Gal. 2, 1 the date a.d. 39 (in absolute reckoning 40)
for thb retrospective rubric Acts 9, 81 is unexceptionable.
It does not follow that we are at liberty to make the emendia-
tion. The business of the ex^ete is not to change his texts, but
to interpret them. Moreover the Grotian emendation falls
very far short of removing the discrepancies between Acts 9,
I'SO and Gal. 1, 11-24. On the one side we have a ministry to
(Greek-speaking) Jews in Judaea ( Jerusalem-Caesarea) ; on
the other a ministry to the Gentiles in "Syria and Cilida." On
the one side a flight from Damascus, after "'some days " witness
for Christ in the synagogues, to the mother church in Jerusalem;
on the other an express denial of "going up to Jerusalem to
those that were Apostles before me," and a going away into
Arabia, followed (one would infer shortly) by a "return to
Damascus." On the one side la work of evangelization among
the Greek-speaking Jews in Jerusalem in constant relation with
the leaders of the mother church interrupted only by the out-
break (stereotyped in Luke) of Jewish jealousy in mob vio-
lence; ^> on the other a work of evangdization in Damascus
lasting for three years (minus the stay in Arabia), and termi-
nated by a two-weeks' visit privately to Peter in Jerusalem.
On the one side a flight from Jerusalem to Cael&tfurea and a stay
there under protection of the chiux^ until "th^ brethreiki" send
the fugitive to his native city of Tarsus; on the other mission-
ary activity "in Syria and Cilicia" in such complete independ-
ence of the churches of Christ in Judaea ^^ that the Apostle's
very face was unknown to them. "They only heard by re-
port. He that once persecuted us now preadieth the faith of
which he once made havoc." As respects the natiue and
sphere of Paul's activity the disagreement could hardly be
" Not to be reooDci]ed with Acts 22» 17-21, where Paul'i departuxe is occasioned
by a vision in the temple forestalling the outbteak.
^^ In Pauline usage "Judaea" indudes Gaesaiea, the i»iiiciiMl port, and metropolis
of Samaria.
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THE CHRONOLOGICAL SCHEME OF ACTS 149
greats. The author of Acts is certamly not well informed on
this part of Paul's career, and has exactly the opposite idea as
to how his apostolic authority should be vindicated. It does
not follow that Luke may not have conceived the conversion
as having taken place in a.d. S7-S8. If the Grotian emenda-
tion were admitted the interval assumed by Acts 11, SO; 12, 25
of six (?) years betwe^i the conversion and the second visit
would be substantially correct. Looking back, then, over this
^ panel' of Acts, its evidence must be held to confirm Cadoux's
theory, that (whether correctly or not) the author employs
his retrospective rubrics for the piupose of subdividing his
story into periods oijwe years. His second period, that of the
spread of the gospel throughout *' Judaea, Samaria, and Gali-
lee" in consequence of ^'the persecution that arose about
Stephen," is brou^t to a signal close by the conversion of the
arch-persecutor, a;nd a brief season (one year?) of '^ peace."
He may well have conceived it to end with the first decade from
the crucifixion, in a.d. 89; for which we may substitute 40 if
the crucifixion be dated in SO.
8. The next 'panel' (9, 82-12, 24), whidi closed, as we have
seen, with the persecution and death of Agrippa, covers the
beginnings of (sporadic) Gentile conversions under Peter, and
includes the founding of the church in Antioch. So far as in-
ternal indications go it might well be taken to require about
five years in the view of the narrator. Certainly the event
which brings it to so dramatic an end must be dated, as we have
seen, in the summer of 44. In reality Agrippa's death took
place but fourteen years and some months after the crucifixion,
if we are right in dating the latter in SO a.d. But as Luke seems
to date it in 29 he probably counts fifteen and a fraction for the
whole period, and five for the present 'panel' as well as for
each of the two preceding. As the ultimate terminus falls
about February 1 according to Acts 28, 11, SO, the entire story
covers more nearly 81 than 80 years; but if the author con-
siders the fractional ten monfths, they are about equally divided
between the two halves of the book, since the death of Agrippa
occurred several months after the Passover, which was the
starting point.
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150 HARVAItD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
With the exception of the founding of the church in Antioch
and the connected incident of the sending famine-relief to
Jerusalem (11, 19-80), this whole section is devoted to two
incidents in the story of Peter related with exceptional detail
in most graphic style. They sre^firgi, his inauguration of work
for the conversion of the Gentiles (9, 82-11, 18), and, second,
his miraculous deliverance from the sword of the persecutor
(12, 1-24). These two elements appear to be both taken from
the same source, a narrative whose hero is Peter, and whose
author shows such minute acquaintance with conditions in the
mother church that it is commonly designated the Jerusalem
source. The intervening verses (11, 19-80) on the other hand
may be attributed to a source whose interests centre at Antioch.
But the two sections from the Jerusalem source would also seem
to have been inverted in order by Luke. For Peter is clearly
assumed to be in permanent residence at Jerusalem throughout
chapter 12 down to the point where he takes leave of James
and departs **to another place"; whereas in the story of 9,
82-11, 18, especially in the Western form of the text of 11>
If .,^* he is no longer a permanent resident of Jerusalem, but is
occupied in visitation of **the saints'' in ^* all parts'' including
Lydda, where the church already had its guild of ''widows,'^
and whence the whole plain of Sharon is evangelized (9, 85).
Joppa, where '^ Simon the tann^" is Peter's host, and doubtless
that of the church also, became his headquarters for so long a
time that he is able to take '"six brethren" from their number
as his supporters and witnesses for th^ momentous occasions at
Caesarea and Jerusalem (11, 12). It is true that we have no
external means of dating the conversion of the centurion of the
'* Italian Cohort" stationed at Caesarea, since (as Torrey ap-
" The i9 text has: ''And niMrt came to tlie Apostles and to the biethreD that wcra
in Judaea that the Gentiles also had reoeived the word of God. Now PeUrfor a oof»>
tiderabU time had vnikedtojtnirney to Jerusalem, So when ke had caUed the brethren unio
kirn and had establiehed them, making a long dieantree, he {veni) through the dietrid^
ieaeking them. And when he was come up to Jerusalem," etc Either the a text ob*
tains a closer adjustment to the context by trimming off the protruding comer (printed
in italic) which still remained to resist a smooth bedding of the secUon in its new
situation, on the text shows consciousness of the duplication by unitating the paral-
lels. (Tf. 10,1^-8; 80, 17ff.
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THE CHRONOLOGICAL SCHEME OF ACTS 151
pears to have shown in opposition to tUe present writer) the
difficulties in the way of conceiving Cornelius in the situation
here represented while the country was still under the rule of a
(nominally) indq)endent sociua rex — difficulties which lead
Preuschen to declare that the statement ^'must rest on some
misunderstanding"^* — are not insuperable. But tbere is
further internal evidence for the transposition, and this has no
unimportant bearing on our present enquiry.
Peter's vision at Joppa, with the subsequent account of the
planting of the gospel at Caesarea, and vindication of Peter's
course to the satisfaction of the authorities at Jerusalem even
as to the question of ^'eating with the Gentiles" (11, 8), carries
us far beyond the point of devdopment reached by the general
Lukan narrative. It is already a serious discrepancy that the
source of 8, 40 (Antiochian?) attributes the beginnings of the
church in Caesarea to Philip the evangelist; and this is con-
firmed by 21, 8, where Philip's house in Caesarea becomes Paul's
abiding place. But in addition the revelation to Peter in the
Jerusalrai source is certainly not intended by the original writer
for the restricted application made of it by the compiler. Peter
is divindy instructed as to two things: fird. That *'6od is no
respecter of persons, but that in every nation he that feareth
Him and worketh righteousness is accepted of Him"; second,
that his Jewish scruples against eating ''anything common or
unclean" are of human, not divine origin (10, 18-15), and should
be no barrier to his ''joining himself or coming unto one of an-
other nation" (10, 28; cf. 11, S). In other words we have a
complete settlement on a basis more than Pauline in its liberal-
ism of the entire question covered in the succeeding context from
11, 19 to 15, 29; and the settlement concerns not its first phase
only (freedom of Grentiles from the Mosaic ordinances), but its
second also (conduct of "the Jews which are among the Gen-
tiles"). Thus all the great questions to whose working out the
remainder of Acts is devoted already receive their authoritative
and final decision by Divine revelation endorsed by official
action of the mother church in this single story of how Peter
planted the gospel among Gentiles in Caesarea.
^ Cominaitory, ad loa in the Handbmek gum Nwen T§ 9ta wi m ii,
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152 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
The settiements implied in the teaching of the vision that dis-
tinctions of meats are a hmnan convention without warrant in
the sight of the Creator ^' and in the vindication of Pet^ on the
score of having gone in to men undrcmndsed and eaten with
them (11, S) are certainly anticipations relatively to the story
of Luke, as wdl as irrecondlaUe with the story of Gal. 2, 11-12.
But in the relation in which they now stand to the persecution
and death of Agrippa (12, 1-24) they are almost as flagrant
anticipations in the Jerusalem source itself. It is only part of
the truth to say that Peter in 9, S2-11, 18 has ceased to be domi*
cfled at Jerusalem. Consideration of the extreme amplitude
and detail with which Peter's call to preach the gospel to the
Gentiles is here divinely sanctioned, and all objection sil«iced
in a manner quite surpassing anything Paul could relate, makes
it insupposable that the author continued by relating that after
the Conclave ^' Pet^ merely settled down in Jerusalem imtil
driven out by the persecution of Agrippa. The inference drawn
by the Conclave, ^'Then to the Genitiles also hath God granted
repentance unto life," looks forward to something greater. It
is no more natural to think of Peter after all this going back and
subsiding in Jerusalem to wait until Paul needs his testimony
than it is to conceive the Council of Actis 15 settling all these
questions over again after the Conclave of Acts 11, 1-18 ha3^
already settled them no less authoritatively and on a much
broads basis. If, then, we place oiu^ves sympathetically at
the original writer's point of view we shall see that in the source
Pet^ after the Conclave must have followed the career implied
in the utterance Luke himself places in his mouth in 15, 7r
^* Brethren, ye know how that God made choice among you that
by my mouth the Gentiles should hear the word of the gospel
and believe.'' Pet^ must not only have removed entirely from
Jerusalem, taking his wife with him for extended journeys, as.
^' For the broad appeal to divine principlefl seen in nature as superior to tlie coik
ventions of Mosaic law» sudi as the distinctions of meats* compare Mark 7, 1-9S and
10, 1-10. *' What Ood hath deansed make not thou common" is an utterance cast bt
the same mould as "Ye make the word of God of none effect that ye may keep your
tradition," and ''What Ood hath joined together let not num put asunder."
^ The assembly of AcU 11, 1-18 is here distinguished from that of AcU 15, 1-S5
by 4fff'g^**"g the former the Apostolic Condave^ the latter the Apostolic CoundL
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THE CHRONOLOGICAL SCHEME OF ACTS 158
Paul expressly informs us in 1 Cor. 9, 5, but must have carried
the gospel to the Gentiles in some such work of evangelization
as is related in The Preaching cf Peter ^ or in such an Apostolic
progress to Caesarea and Antioch as the Clementina describe.
But granting that the Jerusalem source thus transferred to
Peter the work which Paul tells us was eicplidtly recognized as
his and not Peter's (Gal. 2, 7-9), why should it be necessary for
Luke in employing it to make the alleged transposition? Try
the experiment and the reason leaps to the eye. Place the two
sections of the Jerusalem source in the order which consistency
of internal development requires and the contradiction with the
Antiochian source becomes unbearable. On the one side we
shall have Jerusalem and the plain of Sharon from Joppa to
Caesarea as the scene of expansion; on the other, Antioch and
the provinces of Cyprus and South Galatia. On the one side
a revelation of the Spirit sending Peter to the conversion of
Cornelius; on the other a similar revelation sending Barnabas
and Saul '^to the work whereunto I have called them/' which
begins with the conversion of Sergius Paulus. On the one side
a vindication of the evangelization of Gentiles by Peter accom-
panied by the ** six brethren " of his new foundations in the plain
of Sharon before the Jerusalem Conclave; on the other a vin-
dication of it by Paul and Barnabas accompanied by "'certain
other" of the Antioch church before the Jerusalem Council.
On the one side a settlement of the question on what terms a
Jewish believer may ''eat and associate" with ''one of another
nation" by deed and word — action corresponding to Peter's
when he ''ate with the Grentiles" at Antioch disr^arding 'dis-
tinctions of meats' as man-made, coupled with a sweeping dec-
laration that " God is no respecter of persons, but in every nation
he that f eaieth God and worketh righteousness is acceptable to
Him"; on the other a settlement of it on the basis of the four
"decrees" of abstinence; which aim to protect the entire body,
Jewish and Gentfle, from the "pollutions of idols," and which
imply the continued validity of the distinctions (twiLPayKes). On
aB points save the last it is the Antioch source which is sub-
stantially in the right, and the Jerusalem source which by the
inexpugnable witness of the Pauline Epistles is in the wrong.
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164 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
But it is simply inconceivable that any compiler should attempt
to place the rival accounts of the great transition side by side,
heedless of their flagrant inconsistaides. Unaltered, the two
sources were incompatible. For such a compiler as Luke the
remedy was self-evident. The course of Peter as related in the
Jerusalem source must be in the main admitted {cf. 1, 8), but
restricted in its application and treated as a mere precedent,
pigeon-holed (as it were) until required for the ultimate solution.
In short it was simply unavoidable that the story of expansion
to the Gentiles in Acts 9, S2-11, 18 should be transposed, in
spite of all its surviving implications of later and larger applica-
tion, to the earlier time and more limited significance of Peter's
occasional excursions from Jerusalem. The joint official action
of Antioch and Jerusalem in the Apostolic Council must be, to
Luke, the supreme and final settlement.
This admission of the claims of the Jerusalem source to the
extent of conceding to Peter precedence over Paul as inaugurator
of Gentile evangelization, while the actual work is carried out by
Paul, involved Luke in two assumptions, both of whidi are
flatly contradicted by Paul, and are more or less inconsistent
with Luke's extracts from the sources themselves. Firri, he was
obliged to transfer to Peter that title which was to Paul the very,
heart of his commission ^'not from men but from God," the
title and commission of "'Apostle to the Gentiles." Luke puts
in Peter's (!) mouth the words, "'God made choice among you
(the Twelve) that by my mouth the Gentiles should hear the
word of the gospel and believe." Paul is for him only the greyit
"vessel of the Spirit" destined (when the way has been opened
and the time is ripe) to carry on the work in partnership with
Barnabas as commissioned evangelist ^^ of the church in Antioch.
Second^ Luke was also obliged to deny to Paul any attempt to
evangelize Grentiles until after Barnabas had brought him to
Antioch, and the two had been officially '"appointed to the work
whereunto God had called them." Such admissions as he makes
1* The titk "Apostles" is restricted in Acts to the Twelve, and ito ocmditioiis an
so defined in 1, 81» 82 as to ezdude Paul The only exceptions are two lefeienoes in
the Antioch Source (14, 4, 14) ; but here Barnabas shares it with Paul showing that the
missionaries are so called only in the <»dinary sense, as 'delegates' ol the Antioch
church.
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THE CHRONOLOGICAL SCHEME OP ACTS 165
of preaching to the Gentiles before this time (Peter's special
authorization excited) are at least treated as questionable and
unauthorized, if not denied altogether.*^ As we shall see, he ap-
pears even to have altered the reading of the Antioch source in
11, 20 to reach this result; while his treatment of the Hellenistic
missions in his second ^panel' (chapter 8) is such as to indicate
a determination to exclude if possible any actual admission of
"men undrcumdsed." How completely this puts his story in
contradiction with Paul's own account in Gal. 1, 11-24 and 2,
1-10 needs no reiteration here. But the readers for whom Luke
¥nx)te were not supposed to consult Galatians; and if modems
do, they are quite content for the most part to do so with a veil
upon their understanding, which whensoever Luke is read re-
maineth unlifted. On the other hand if Luke had carried his
concessions to the Jerusalem source to the extent of adopting
unaltered its repres^itation of how the gospel was actually car-
ried to the Gentiles he might perhaps have avoided contradicting
Paul on the question of the "decrees" as the basis of protection
from the "pollutions of idols**; but he would have robbed him
of all that remained of his title to be called the Apostle to the
Uncircumcision, and would have deprived Antioch of its diief
glory as being the mother church of Gentile CSiristianity. As a
compfler of discrepant sources, both of which obviously com-
manded high respect, and without access (as it would appear)
to the great Epistles, it is difficult to see how Luke could have
performed his task with greater skill or greater loyalty to each
of his two great heroes.
We have again been compiled to digress at considerable length
to the question of Luke's relation to his sources. But the bearing
of the preceding considerations upon the Chronological Scheme
of Acts wiU be at once apparent. Acts 12, 1-44 considered
for itself alone, without reference to the preceding paragraph
11, 19-80 taken from the Antiophian source, would naturally be
understood to cover a period of something over three years,
viz., from Claudius' bestowal upon Agrippa of the authority,
title, and territory of his grandfather, Herod the Great, early
in 41, to the death of Agrippa in the (kite?) summer of 44.
^ See bebw, p. 155.
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156 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
This may be somewhat obscured by the paragraphing in our
printed texts and the sixteenth-century division into verses;
but ancient texts such as the Codex Laudianus at Oxford make
the division into lessons fall in the middle of 12, 19, the twenty-
ninth lesson ending with the words '^commanded that they
should be put to death/' and the thirtieth b^inning, '"Now he
went down from Judaea to Caesarea and tarried there." Mani-
festly it was fully appreciated in ancient times that the story
(apart from the editorial setting) assumes an interval of some
length between the account of the crime against God's people
and the judgment which ultimately b^eU the wrong-doer. In
narrative for purposes of edification much longer intervals than
this may be passed over without record for the greater sharpen-
ing of the moral, as when Hegesippus makes the besieging of
Jerusalem by Vespasian follow "immediately" upon the martyr-
dom of the other James. Those authorities who, with Hamack,
have perceived that in 12, 1 ff. the (original) writer is describing
(quite correctly) the initial policy of Agrippa on his accession to
power in Jerusalem, viz., an obsequious attempt to win the favor
of the Pharisees without incurring too much obloquy from othar
elements or provoking Roman intervention, are on safer groimd
than those who date the peri^tecution at the very end of Agrippa's
reign; whether to reduce the discrepancy with the mention of
the famine in 11, 27-30, or because they can see no room for an
interval after 12, 19a. But the compiler of Acts as it now stands^
if he has arranged the story of Petrine activity in its first half
to cover three p^ods of five years each, undoubtedly intends
his third rubric (12, 24) to mark the fifteenth year from the date
assumed for the crucifixion. His introduction of a paragraph
(11, 19-30) on the beginnings of Christianity in northern Syria
is doubtless due to his desire to include within this period of the
spread of the gospel from Gaza to the Taurus the founding and
early years of the great church of Antioch. But his suppression
of all deliberately purposed imdertakings of Gentile evangeliza-
tion until Antioch sends forth Saul and Barnabas on the First
Missionary Journey (Acts IS, 1 ff .) is more than a forced harmo-
nistic device for the adjustment of conflicting sources. It coin-
cides with Luke's own heart-felt conviction emphatically ez-
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THE CHRONOLOGICAL SCHEME OP ACTS 157
pressed throui^out his work, and wide-spread in many forms in
ancient Christian apologetic, that opportunity must first be
given to the Jews to hear the message and repent, b^ore it wte
light to ^'tum to the Gentiles." Ancient tradition, traceable to
a period contemporary with Acts if not older, even specifies the
duration of this special locus poenitentiae accorded to Israd. In
a fragment of the so-called Preaching of Peter quoted by Clement
of Alexandria, Jesus after the resurrection commands the Twelve
as he sends them forth: **If any man of Israel wiUeth to repent
and put his trust in God through the efficacy of my name, his
sins shaU be forgiven. After twelve years go forth into the world,
thatnomanmaysay (in excuse). We did not hear." *^ Harnack
is surely correct in maintaining that this tradition has not been
without its influence upon the Lukan postponement of work
among the Gentiles till the First Missionary Journey.
We need scarcely invite renewed attention to Luke's weU-
known inconsistency on this score with Paul. Galatians in-
forms us with the greatest emphasis that from the moment of
his conversion Paul had given himself systemlktically and ex-
clusively to the conversion of the Gentiles. Acts describes all
his work up to the time of his appointment by the church in
Antioch as limited on principle to Greek-speaking Jews. It
requires a special vision in the temple according to Acts 22, 17-
21 to dissuade Paul from his attempt to labor in Jerusalem.
According to Acts 9, 29, SO he yielded only to mob violence
when finally driven to take refuge first in Caesarea and there-
after in Tarsus. Even here nothing is said of work among
Gentiles. Paul merely remains in hiding until summoned by
Barnabas to Antioch. Luke goes so far, appar^itly, as to alter
the reading of his source in 11, 20; for the context makes it
quite obvious that the "men of Cyprus and Cyrene*' who carried
u ClenL Alex. Strom, vi, 0, 48. Von Dobschttts, who edito the fragmento in Texte
mnd UnUrnichungeny zi, 1 dates the work ao early as 90 a.d. The embodied tradition
18 probably older. It appears in several diverse forms (see Hamack, Chronologief i,
848 f., 472 f.). In Hamack's judgment 90 a.d. is too early for the Preaching (which,
however, he would admit to be identical with the Teaching (Doctrina) of Peter quoted
according to Oiigen^by Ignatius (Smym. 8, ft), but the "twelve year" tradition, which
is calcnlated to end in a.d. 41 or 4S (persecution of Agrippa) "may wdH be historical **
(p.M4).
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158 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
the gospel to Antioch in the *' tribulation that arose about
Steph^i" did not confine themselves to evangelizing Gredc-
speaking Jews {'EKkrfviaTal), but "'spake to the Greeks (^EXXi^i^)
also." So clearly is this sense required by the context that all
the later manuscripts, the ancient versions, and even modem
translators adopt the reading ""Greeks"; although the textual
evidence is convincing that Luke actually wrote ""Greek-speak-
ing Jews" QEWtfVKrT&s) as his theory requires.** We may con-
dude, then, that he means the great transition to be marked by
the persecution and death of Agrippa, both of which are related
between the coming and going of Paul and Barnabas, and are
immediately followed by the story of how they with Mark»
whom they had brought with them from Jerusalem, were sent
out on the First Missionary Journey. After this crisis in Jeru-
salem, Antioch, through these its commissioned agents, became
the mother-church of Gentile Christianity. Luke's date for this
turning point of Christian history, is, as we have seen, fifteen
years from the crucifixion. That of his source was the tradi-
tional twehoe. The difference arises from the fact that the Jeru-
salem source takes the persecution which resulted in the death
of James, imprisonment of Peter, and affliction of others in the
church, as marking the limit. As in the Antiochian source
the martyrdom of Stephen and connected ""afflictions" had
spread the gospel abroad (8, 1, 4; 11, 19) so also in the Jeru-
salem source. The cup of Israel's obduracy is now made full
and Peter is free to go ""to another place" (12, 17).** Luke, on
the other hand takes the death of the persecutor as his terminal
point. The source, as Hamack has seen, contemplates a date
shortly after the accession of Agrippa, early in 41, or, in other
words ""twelve years" after the crucifixion.** Luke knows, of
» See B. B. Warfield, 'The Readings 'EXXiyraf and *EXXip«rr^ in AcU 11» 80/
Journal qf BibUeal LUerahire, m, 118-187.
** An exodus of members of the conservatively minded Jerusalem church after the
death of James in 41-4S falls in very wdtt with Paul's reference in GaL S» 4 to the in-
coming of "false brethren who came in privily to spy out the liberty in Christ Jesus"
enjoyed by Gentile Christians in Syria and Cilida, an invasion which soon led (in 46?)
to his appeal to the Pillars and the resulting Compact (GaL 2, 1-10; qf. 6» 18).
** The source probably counts from Passover to Passover (cf. 1% 4), and therefore
aims at an exact fulfibnent of the traditional "twelve years." It is possible, however^
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THE CHRONOLOGICAL SCHEME OP ACTS 159
course^ that Agrippa's death took place in the summer of 44,
and assumes that the persecution to which it was the wrathful
answar of God was but shortly before. Both source and compiler
probably make Passover 29 a.d. their point of departure.
There would seem thus to be no doubt of Luke's intention to
take the year 44 as the terminus for his third 'panel'; nor have
we adequate reason to think of either more or less than five
years as his conception of its duration.
4. If the theory we are testing be correct, the period between
Acts 12, 24 (third rubric) and 16, 5 (fourth rubric), covering the
First Missionary Journey and Settlement of the Mosaistic Con-
troversy, is also a period of approximately five years in the in-
tention of the author.** The reason for the placing of the fourth
rubric after the visit of Paul and Silas to the churches of the
First Missionary Journey, instead of immediately at the dose
of the Jerusalem Council, is, of course, that the author follows
the model of 11, 1 ff. in making the Council take its origin from
this missionary adventure, instead of from the differences at
Antioch whose beginnings are referred to in 11, 22, and whose
culmination is described by Paul in Gal. 2, 11-13. The episode
is therefore not complete until Paul and Silas have distributed
the Council's "decrees" to these churches "for to keep*' (Acts
16, 4). The decrees themselves, which solve the whole questicm
of Jewish-Christians eating and associating with Gentile-
Christians not subject to the Mosaic ordinances, by protecting
both parties from "the pollutions of idob,'' are limited in their
address to "the brethren who are of the Gentiles in Antioch,
Syria, and Cilida." They are not, therefore, intended for the
distribution which Luke reports, and which is so notoriously
difiScult to reconcile with Paul's own settlement of the vexed
question. The address calls for a slightly earlier date, before
this important new province (South Galatia) had come into the
for^round. We may reasonably suppose that they were drawn
up at Jerusalem, at tibe instance of James, to meet the situation
that the PMSOver of the persecution is intended to be that of Agrippa's second yen
(42), in which case we reach a date for the crudfizion (a.i>. 80) in better aooord with
the data of astronomy and the Jewish calendar system.
** Turner (op. eiL p. 48Sa) makes it end ea, November 1, 4S; Ramsay (CMiroft tfi
lAs Soman Empinp pp. «^^8) in July 49.
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160 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
created by the conduct of Peter at Antioch on the visit which
Luke passes over in silence, but which Paul relates as occurring
shortly after his compact with the 'Pillars' at Jerusalem. Of
this visit we obtain a hint even in Acts; for Acts itself relates
Mark's return to Jerusalem from Perga, midway of the First
Missionary Journey, and mentions his renewed presence in
Antioch just before the Second Journey (Acts 16, 87-88); but
it fails to explain why, how, or with whom, he went from Jeru-
salem a second time to Antioch. We infer that it was with
Peter.
At Antioch Peter adopted first the Pauline interpretation of
the agreement with the * Pillars,' that "the Jews which are
among the Gentiles" shall be "as without the law," disr^ard-
ing entirely the Mosaic distinctions, since the law as a whole
is "done away in Christ." But the consequences of this ex-
ample would be fatal to Jewish Christian ^purity' outside of
Palestine itself. Wherever believing Jews found themselves
"among the Gentiles" they would be "compelled" to Hel-
lenize. Some sort of action at Jerusalem giving authoritative
expression to the interpretation the Pillars put upon the Com-
pact ^ was absolutely imperative if any hold whatever was to
be retained upon "the Jews which are among the Grentiles."
The Pillars' interpretation was entirely simple and intelligible:
Gentiles are free from the law; Jews are bound. The natural —
the unavoidable inference for men who did not appreciate or
accept Paul's peculiar doctrine of "dying to the law" — was
that some concession must be made by the "brethren which
are of the Gentiles." Abstinence was "necessary" (iiriafayKes)
from at least the four *' things which involve "the pollutions
of idols." Peter's action at Antioch called forth a delegation
"from James" so authoritative as to overawe even Peter
{4>ofiohfiBH}s Toi>s iK TepiTOfiijs), but who at the same time bore in-
junctions so plausible as to carry with them "even Banutbas"
as well as "all the rest of the Jews" and (apparently) the entire
Antioch church.
>* We designate as tlie Compact the agreement deicribed in GaL 8; 6-10 as sealed
by ''ri^t hands of fellowship."
« Three, if "things strangled" be a c^oss.
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THE CHBONOLOGICAL SCHEBfE OF ACTS 161
We can find no other situation so perfectly adapted as this
crisis of Peter's ** eating with the Gentiles" at Antioch for the
convening of the Jerusalem Council, which according to Acts
15» 12-35 makes final settlement of the entire question of the
relations of Jews and Gentiles in the Church. It is true that
neither Peter (whose conduct was in dispute), Paul» nor Barna-
bas can have been present; as indeed we cannot imagine Paul
consenting to the compromise, or even recognizing the right of
the Jerusalem leaders to "lay burdens/* whether "greater" or
smaller, upon his Gentile converts. Paul might well ignore the
whole proceeding both in Galatians and later when minutely
treating the whole subject for the Corinthians (1 Cor. 8-10),
and less fully for the Romans (Rom. 14-15). On the other
hand neither Peter, Barnabas, nor the church at Antioch would
be likely to r^ard such action "from James" as ultra vires,
since nothing more is intended than an application of the Com-
pact as they must certainly have understood it ^ to the specific
case which had arisen through Peter's coming to Antioch.
Least of all should we be surprised to find an Antiochian writer
such as Luke, dependent upon Antiochian and Petrine sources,
ignoring the unpleasantness which had taken place between his
two principal heroes, and treating the Jerusalem Council as
responsible for a complete settlement of the entire question,
wholly satisfactory to all the parties concerned except the im-
authorized advocates of circumcision who had "troubled (the
Gentile believers) with words subverting their souls." As re-
gards date, the Council falls toward the dose of the fourth
^panel,' the distribution of the "decrees" in the cities of the
First Missionary Journey being the last event narrated before
the refrain of 16, 5. On the theory now in question this would
correspond to the year 48 a.d. Such possible reference as may
be found in Gal. 2, 12 to the same assembly presents no chrono-
logical obstacle. So far as the modem chronographer can
judge, A.D. 44-49 appears to be unexcq>tionable as a date for
this period, whether as regards the time needful for the incidents
M In the period of Auguttine the undenUnding of the oompact of GaL SI, 1-10 is
stfll oomct: Gentfles qui in Christo credidiosent le^M onen libeitM, eot antem qui ez
Judaeis cndflKnt legi caae fubjeotoa.
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162 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
narrated as the author would be apt to view them, or abso-
lutely, as fitting in with the course of events as otherwise
known.^
No other external data are available for the period save the
famine, already considered.
5. In the fifth period, marked off by the rubrics of Acts 16, 5
and 19, 20, Luke is more generous than hitherto with indica-
tions of the lapse of time. It is the period of the founding of
the Greek churches, with Corinth and Ephesus as the chief
coitres of Pauline evangelization. Acts 18, 11 informs us that
^*a year and six months" was the length of Paul's stay in the
former coitre, and Acts 19, 10 gives "two years" as the length
of time for the evangelization of "all that dwelt in Asia" from
the latter. In the speech of farewell to the Ephesian lead^s
at Miletus Paul sets "three years" as the p^od during which
they had had opportunity to test his character. This doubtless
is intended to include the "three months" of work in the
synsLgogne before Paul "separated the disciples" (19, 8), and
perhaps also the interval between his first coming (18, 19) and
his return from a journey to Syria (18, 21-28). If we estimate
at six months the time spent on the missionary journey through
Macedonia and Achaia (Acts, 16, 6-17, 84), we shall probably
do no injustice to Luke's intention. In Turner's reckoning the
period covers almost exactly five years.*® By absolute dating
we should reach practically the same results starting from spring
of 50 A.D. as the date for the Apostle's arrival at Corinth re-
quired by the Delphi inscription.
6. The starting point for the last period of Luke's story is
Paul's d^arture from Ephesus for a final tour of confirmation
of the Greek churches before the fatal journey to Jerusalem.
If he really has a five-year division in mind it must extend,
then, from a.d. 54 to a.d. 59. Now the journey to Macedonia
and Achaia (19, 21), may be assumed to begin about Pente-
cost, as 1 Cor. 16, 8 shows to have been Paul's intention. It is
followed the next winter by "three months" in Corinth (20, 8).
** The yean 61 and 08 are not ponibk for tlie prooonsulship of Sergius Fkulm
(Turner, op, eiL).
** From Paaiover a.d. 60 to the q>ring, a.d. M, op. eiC p. 48Sa and b.
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THE CHRONOLOGICAL SCHEME OF ACTS 168
The earlier months of the next year (66 up to "Pentecost";
20, 16) are spent on the journey to Jerusalem. They are fol-
lowed by "two years" of captivity in Caesarea (24, 27) count-
ing from "twelve days" after Pentecost a.d. 55 (Acts 24,11).
The prison days in Caesarea extend till the coming of Festus
in 67. As Luke speaks only of intervals of "days" ("three
days," verse 1, "eight or ten days," verse 6, "certain days,"
verse IS, "many days," verse 14) after the coming of Festus it
is natural, though perhaps not necessary, to assume that he
understands the journey to Rome, which b^gan shortly before
"the Fast," t.e., about October 1, to have been undertaken the
same year (a.d. 67). Li this case Paul's arrival in Rome would
fall early in a.d. 68 (Acts 28, 11-18). After this we hear of a
period of "two whole years" during which he is permitted to
occupy his own hired house without molestation, but no special
event is mentioned as its temunus, and the book ends without
a repetition of the summarizing rubric. It is possible, therefore,
that there was less care in this case to make the division fall
just five years before the end. At all events the numerous data
cannot easily be put together without reaching a total of thirty
years and nine months, bringing the story down to a final ab-
solute date about February 1, a.d. 60.
To all this, external synchronisms such as the recall of Felix'^
(a.d. 66-66 Hamack, 67-68 Turner) oflfer no obstacle. But
what must be our verdict upon the proposal of Cadoux to re-
gard the summaries of Acts as intended to divide the story into
periods of five years each?
The fact that the closing periods of the two halves of the
book bring us to points some months later than the starting
point should be a warning not to look for a mechanical and
rigid framework. It would have been easy for a compiler who
desired to bring his material into such a Procrustean bed to
count back from his closing date in such a manner as to make
Paul's departure from Corinth (Acts 20, 8) the dividing line,
and thus obtain a more exact proportion. The fact that he
^ The refcfcnoe in AcU 84, 10 to Fdiz, "many yean as judge of this people," may
well include the period before his sole procuzatorship^ when he shared its responsibilties
with Cumanus.
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164 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
chooses rather the Apostle's departure from Ephesus, including
the journey of confirmation through Macedonia and Achaia in
the last ^ panel/ shows that he prefers to group his material
with reference to contents; for the preceding 'paneU' which
b^an with the setting forth of Paul and Silas from the territory
evangelized on the First Missionary Journey, is occupied
throughout with the story of the founding of the Greek churches
on both sides of the A^ean. On the other hand the Jerusalem
Council (48) would have been a more natural terminus had he
not really wished to complete the pentad from 44. At the lower
limit the refrain of 19, 20 is followed by a proleptic forecast of
the remainder of the story in 19, 21, giving conclusive evidence
that to Luke's mind the new phase of Paul's activity represented
by the journeys first to ''Macedonia and Achaia," then ''to
Jerusalem," finaUy to "Rome," begins at this point.
On the whole it can hardly be accidental that the main divi-
sion at 12, 24 so nearly subdivides the work chronologically
into two parts of approximately fifteen years each, while each
of these halves falls into three equal parts throu^ the refrains
of 6, 7 and 9, SI; 16, 5 and 19, 20. In all these cases five years
is a probable allowance of time for the events narrated, and in
those which we can best control the dates are found almost
exact. If with Turner we take a.d. 29 to be Luke's starting
point he will probably have set the crucifixion one year too
early; but his central date, terminating the work of Peter, will
extend but a very few months beyond the total of fifteen years,
while 84 and 89 a.d. will be entirely appropriate termini for the
p^ods of the founding of the mother-church in Jerusalem and
of the spread of the gospel through "Judaea, Galilee, and
Samaria" respectively. For the duration of the work of Paul
described in the second half of the book Turner thinks it pos-
sible to fix "a period of fourteen years, certainly not less, and
apparently not more." For this, however, he takes as the
starting point not the rubric itself of 12, 24, but the appoint-
ment of Paul and Barnabas to their work of Grentile evangeliza-
tion in IS, 2, making at this point "a considerable interval" to
allow for the 'famine-relief* visit, which had been placed too
early by Luke, and must necessarily come after (according to
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THE CHB0N0L06ICAL SCHEME OP ACTS 165
Turner two years after) the death of Agrippa. This '"con-
siderable interval" must therefore be added to the period "cer-
tainly not less and probably not more than fourteen years"
which in Turner's judgment represents the duration of the
three 'panels' of the second half.
But it is not our present problem to determine the correct-
ness or incorrectness of Luke's order. Our primary question
is only whether, taking the story as he relates it» the events of
12» 25-28, 81 would reasonably fall within the compass of
fifteen years. Since no such allowance as the severed years
assigned by Turner, but at most a few months are required for
the interval between 12, 24 and 18, 2, we may take jBfteen
years as a very close approximation, perhaps the closest pos-
sible, to the period of time the historian had actually in mind.
In addition we have abready seen that the story of the founding
of the Greek churches, closed by the rubric of 19, 20, covers as
nearly as possible five years, and that of the beginnings of mis-
sions to the Gentiles, closed by the rubric of 16, 5, approxi-
mately the same period. It is difficult to deny the probability
that the compiler of the work has really intended these divi-
sions to mark some such periods of time.
The further question whether the Lukan chronology agrees
with the Pauline, and how the data on both sides are to be
adjusted to external dates with reference to obtaining an ab-
solute chronology, is matter for later consideration. The pre-
liminary step is perhaps not iU-advised of determining the
chronological structure of Acts, taken as the author himself
would appear to have conceived it. From the point of view
thus defined the datings of salient events would seem to be
substantially as follows:
Crucifibcion a.d. 29
Death of Stephen 84
Conversion of Paul 88
£8Ci^>e from Damascus 88
Famine about 44
Death of Agrippa 44
Visit of Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem 44-45
Pint Missionary Journey 45-47
Jerusalem Council 48
Second Missionary Journey 49-51
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166 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Paul's Arrival in Corinth January-March a.d. 50
Three years in 'Asia' 51-64
Winter in Corinth January-March 5S
Arrest in Jerusalem May 55
Imprisonment in Caesaiea 55-57
RecaU of Felix 57
Departure for Rome October 57
Arrival at Rome January-February 5S
End of ''two years" of semi-liberty February 60
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THE RELIGIOUS AND MORAL SITUATION IN
FRANCE
VICTOR MONOD*
Pabib
In reading various American periodicals I have noted the inter-
est with which French affairs are followed on the other side of
the ocean, but American observers seem to be somewhat un-
43ertain in their opinions about contemporary France and par-
ticularly to be baffled by the internal policy of France. For
this policy differs profoundly from that which was pursued
before the war. Tlie attitude of the French government in
religious affairs has been considerably modified. It may there-
fore interest American readers to learn something about the
great currents by which the religious and moral spirit of France
are today borne along, and to try to divine their probable out-
come.
I
The dominant fact beyond question is the political suprem-
acy of the peasant class. The destinies of France have always
been subject to the influence of two very different social ele-
ments, the population of the cities and the population of the
country.
The rural population has always been numerically by far
the more important; France is essentially a nation of peasants.
But before the war the political and intellectual guidance of the
country was in the hands of the urban population, notwith-
standing its numerical inferiority.
The French peasants, very industrious but often very poor,
were engrossed in hard labor in the fields. The working-men
and the people of the middle class filled the whole political
^ M. Victor Monod, who At tbe request of tbe editors of the Review has written
this survey of the present religious and moral conditions in France, visited the United
States in 1917-18 with a delegation representing the French Protestant Churches. He
served during the war as a dbaplain in the army; and is now the minister of a huge
drarch in one of the residential suburbs of Puis.
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168 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
stage, and their ideas and prejudices were taken to be those of
the whole French people.
Fifteen years ago, in most of the cities, these ideas were in
general anticlerical and even antireHgious. There were socie-
ties of free-thinkers whose members pledged to one another
their word of honor never to set foot in a church and not to
summon a priest at the hour of death. It seemed self-evident
that an intelligent man could not believe in God. M. Poincar^,.
the future President of the Republic, speaking of Professor
William James's book on the Varieties of Religious Experi-
ence said in the French Academy: "'We hear these narratives
with the same kind of interest with which men listen to the
tales of travellers recounting strange journeys in the heart of
Africa!"
The rural populations retained more respect for the Ch\u*ch
and religious things, but they were unable or unwiUing to oppose
the separation of Church and State somewhat rudely effected
in 1906, by which all the churches of France were left in a very
precarious situation from a legal point of view and prevented
from creating for themselves a solid financial organization.
Now all at once the war has brought the rural population of
France into the primacy of influence. It has gained this rank
in the first place by its immense sacrifices. It was the peasants
far more than the industrial laborers who shed their blood. Of
one million four hundred thousand dead^ one million were
peasants.
In the smallest rural communes of France are to be seen to-
day memorial monuments, inscribed with the long lists of
those who died for their country. "Passer-by, bow thy head,"
reads a beautiful funerary stone erected in a little village in the
valley of the Garonne, "There were sixty-five men of this vil-
lage who died for thy freedom." The village had fifteen hun-
dred inhabitants. In another village of three hundred inhab-
itants, twenty-two were lost. Of another rural commune, the
schoolmistress wrote as early as April, 1916, "Here the men
between twenty and thirty have all been killed except two."
But while the war carried off a million French peasants it
did not a little to develop and emancipate this whole social
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THE BELI6I0US SITUATION IN FRANCE 169
class, which is the prop and stay of French society. In his
furloughs the peasant traveUed everywhere in France; he is
acquainted with Paris and the large cities where he was treated
in the hospitals. He learned to handle the most delicate and
the most dangerous weapons in the trenches. He knows the
value of words and the value of things. Henceforth he will not
allow his vote to be captiu*ed by lawyers from the town; he
has his own ideas and looks for men to represent them.
And above all the French peasant has today large material
interests to protect, for he has gained prodigiously in wealth.
During the war it was among the manuf actmrers and labor-
ers in the cities, among the ammunition makers, that most of
the profiteers and nauMoux riches were found; but since the
armistice French industries have slowly become involved in
difficulties, and the wages of the working-men in cities have
been somewhat reduced, while the peasant has seen the price
of the products of the soil steadily rise.
To stimulate the production of wheat, the government
promised to buy the harvest at a price fixed in advance, and in
1920 this price was one thousand francs the metric ton, which
was four times the price before the war. The French peasant
has. also rapidly freed his land from the mortgages by which it
was encumbered, and has in very many cases become a pro-
prietor. In one poor arrondissement the peasants in 1919
bought land to the value of ten millions of francs, in another
arrondissement nineteen millions, and it is not an extravagant
estimate that peasants invested in land in the course of the
first year after the armistice three milliards of francs.
Thus France in 1921 is very different from that of 1914. The
peasant, grown rich, has become a landed proprietor and pro-
foimdly conservative. The Chamber of Deputies elected in
1919 is the most conservative that has been seen for more than
twenty years, and has in it the largest number of millionaire
deputies. The influence of the dty agitators has been com-
pletely annihilated by the resolute determination of the peasant
class to secure social stability. The socialist party in France
has lost much of its power. The railway strike attempted in
May, 1920, totally failed, and resulted in the dissolution by
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170 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
law of the General Federation of Labor, which was proclaimed
amid popular indifference. The industrial crisis came in to
accelerate the downfall of the French socialist party, now
much divided and numerically greatly weakened. The true
dictator is today the producer of wheat, milk, meat — the
peasant of France.
n
The new situation has favored the growth of the influence of
the Catholic Church. The Roman Catholic Church has always
seemed to many Frenchmen to be the bulwark of order and
social discipline, and as soon as the results of the legislative
elections of 1919 were known, all those who felt which way the
wind blew said, '^France is going to re-establish relations with
Rome.*'
The first argument that was offered in favor of sending a
representative of the French Republic to the Vatican was
excellent.
Since the separation of Church and State France has always
had to have a semi-official representative to treat with the
papal authority on certain matters. In its colonial expansion,
for instance, France came into the possession of territories in
which the religious interests of Catholics had been conmiitted
by the Pope to foreign religious orders. This was the case
particularly with Morocco, where the Vatican had conferred
on the Spanish clergy the exclusive right to exercise the func-
tions of the Catholic ministry. It was necessary to negotiate
directly with the Pope to obtain for French Catholic priests
the right to exercise their functions in that French territory.
And above all the victory of 1918, which restored Alsace and
Lorraine to France restored to it a territory in which the Con-
cordat signed by Napoleon in 1802, that is to say an agreement
between the Pope and the dvil government, was still in force.
It was impossible to apply the Law of Separation to Alsace
and Lorraine immediately. But it was equally impossible to
leave things as they were because the bishops of Strasboiug
and Metz, the two heads of the Catholic Church in Alsace and
Lorraine, were of German extraction. It was indispensable
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THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION IN FRANCE 171
that they should be replaced by French bishops. And this
result could not be brought about without conference with the
Vatican, the only power competent to nominate Catholic
bishops and priests.
Immediately after the armistice. Cardinal Amette, Arch-
bishop of Paris, was sent by the French government to Rome
to negotiate for the replacement of the two bishops. In this
mission he succeeded, and on the 24th of April, 1919, the
Journal Officid of the French Republic published a decree
signed by M. Poincar£ and M. Clemenceau, aaming Mgr. Ruch
and Mgr. Pelt bishops of Strasbourg and Metz respectively.
Practical considerations of this sort made an impression on
a great many deputies, including even non-Catholics, and it
seined to them essential from the point of view of foreign
affairs that France should be represented at the Vatican, not
as heretofore in a semi-official and precarious fashion, but
officially by an ambassador.
This matter played a considerable part in the election of M.
Deschanel to the presidency of the Republic. A certain num-
ber of Catholic deputies were bent upon securing a resumption
of official relati<ms with the Vatican. M. Clemenceau showed
little enthusiasm for this project, and had declared in the lob-
bies of the Chamber, "With «Aa< Pope, never!** M. Deschanel,
on the contrary, showed himself favorable to the plan, and this
attitude brought him some additional votes which assured his
election. Immediately after the election of M . Deschanel, Pope
Benedict XV sent to the new president a congratulatory tele-
gram.
A few weeks later, on the 11th of March, 1920, the govern-
ment of M. Millerand introduced into the Committee of the
Chamber an appropriation biU for the re-establishment of the
embassy to the Vatican.
The discussion of the proposed law was however delayed for
several months, and at one time it seemed as though it would
have great difficulty in going through.
But at its session in November, 1920, the Chamber of Depu-
ties formally decided to discuss the business at once, and on
November SO the government's bill for the establishment of
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172 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
anembassyattheVaticanpassedby a voteof 897 to209. The
discussion which preceded the vote on the bill was extremely
interesting. It was easy to see that some deputies were in
favor of it solely for reasons of foreign policy, while others on
the contrary saw in the bill a new orientation of the internal
policy of France. The Abb6 Lemire, in particular, showed
that one of the first consequences of the resumption of official
relations with the Vatican would be the necessity of giving a
legal status to the Catholic Church in France, and of modify-
ing or complementing the Law of Separation of Church and
Stote.
The Law of Separation of December 10, 1905, was a unilat*
eral act; the Vatican never officially received a denunciation
of the Concordat on the part of the French government. Aft^
the passage of the law, the French government ceased to pay
a stipend to Catholic bishops and priests, and theoretically
took no interest in their appointment. The Catholic churches
were left at the disposal of the faithful by mere toleration. But
in a legal point of view these edifices are in a very uncertain
situation, and the destruction wrought by the war, which
makes necessary the rebuilding of hundreds of Catholic churches
in the devastated regions, has emphasized the precarious char-
acter of this situation. Whose property will those churches
be, when they are rebuilt by the gifts of the faithful?
It is easy to perceive the danger of considerations of this
kind. If France should modify the Law of Separation of 1905,
discussions and controversies without number will arise and
the public peace runs the risk of being seriously compromised.
The operation of the law of 1905, notwithstanding all its de-
fects, has given France religious peace. What would a modi-
fication of that law bring? All sorts of extravagant demands
are possible. Certain Catholic deputies have already spoken
of the necessity of giving to the Church an indemnity for the
money loss which it sustained in 1905. They revive a claim
long asserted in the Catholic Church, namely that the payment
to Catholic priests and bishops by the French State is a debt
which it owes them in compensation for the surrender of
ecclesiastical properties in 1789. In short, there have reap-
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THE BELIGIOUS SITUATION IN FRANCE 178
peared in these discussions some of the most extreme claims
of the Catholic Church, and the discussion leaves the impres-
sion that this bill might be followed by others no less important.
The President of the Council, M. Georges Leygues, has de-
clared that the laws of the Republic are not to be meddled
with, and that so long as he was the head of the government
nothing should be done to impair them; but he was not willing
to commit himself definitely in regard to the consequences of
sending an ambassador to the Vatican.
In the course of the discussion one of the arguments most
frequently advanced by opponents of the plan was the out-
rageously neutral attitude — at times even an attitude favor-
able to the Germans — of Pope Benedict XV. Neither the
entreaties of Cardinal Mercier of Belgium nor the presence of
an English minister. Sir Henry Howard, who was secretly in-
trusted with the interests of fVance, were able to bring the
Pope to pronounce an explicit condemnation of the way the
Crermans carried on the war and their deeds of violence in
Belgium.
Why should victorious France re-establish relations with the
Pope who had refused to do her justice in the hour of peril?
Curiously enough a Catholic deputy, M. Louis Guibal, took
it into his head to justify the reserved and timid attitude of
the Pope during the war by comparing it with that of the Ameri-
can nation. He recalled the fact that France had to wait a
long time for American intervention; that it had for many
months by repeated and numerous missions to strive to inter-
est the American people in the justice of the Allied cause. He
recalled that President Wilson is reported to have said in
church in New York that it was not in the power of any wise
man to pronounce a judgment, and that the part of neutrals
was to bring the enemies together, rather than to aggravate
their quarrels by taking the side of any one of those who are
engaged in the struggle.
Woids, says M. 6uibal» whose wisdom was not at that time disputed by
anyone, falling from the lips ci the man whose moral leadership seemed for
a moment about to replace even that of the occupant of the Vatican, and
become universal — words uttered in perfect good-faith, words which even
now I do not assume the right to criticise, still less to condemn. I conceive
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174 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
tbat at the moment when that great citizen uttered these words they cone-
sponded, it may be to the ignorance in which he still was about certain facts,
or to the profound conviction that a power of a moral order, when it is, and
is bound to remain, neutral, was bound to preserve an equal respect for
those whom it was not competent to condemn, if it had not in its hands the
evidence which would permit it to do so.
This attempt to justify the too cautious attitude of the Vati-
can will probably surprise Americans as much as it surprised
Frenchmen. If it be true that President Wilson long hesitated
to take sides during the war, it is also true that when the facts
made the right clear to him, he did take sides with the utmost
determination, and that when the decision was once made, the
American nation followed its President with an incomparable
energy and will to win the war. On the contrary, no word, no
deed, no crime could shake Pope Benedict's resolve to main-
tain silence. Our American readers will understand after this
quotation how strongly resolved the French Catholic deputies
are today to restore the moral prestige of the Pope in the face
of public opinion which was alienated from him during the war.
They will understand also how greatly public opinion in France
has changed since the day when President Wilson was ac-
claimed in Paris. At that moment the moral supremacy of
America in France was uncontested, and it seemed as if the
Protestant powers, the United States and England, were going
to give to European nations their own moral ideal.
The disiUusionment caused by the refusal of the American
Senate to ratify the Treaty of Versailles and become an active
member of the League of Nations has led some minds to turn
back to the Catholic Church, which on other grounds attracted
all those who were alarmed by the spread of democratic ideas.
The comparison drawn by M . Guibal has this much truth in it,
that the moral leadership of Europe has already partially
reverted from the American nation to the Roman Papacy.
There may be observed, in fact, a general campaign in
Europe and in France, the object of which is to elevate the
material position of the Papacy, and above all to give it politi-
cal guarantees which at present it lacks. The dream of some
would be to make use of the League of Nations to settle the
territorial and political status of the Papacy. Thus, by an un-
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THE BELI6I0US SITUATION IN FRANCE 175
expected turn, the Leagae of Nations would serve to strengthen
the position of the Vatican.
The following noteworthy declaration was issued in October,
1920» by the Catholic Press Bureau, which represents the most
exalted aspirations of the French Catholic world:
Hie day may come when Italy would ooDsent to have the statuB of the
Papacy made the subject ci diflcuasioiui between the two parties, instead of
being evolved by a Pailiament, and when it was revised to have it receive the
coUective assent of all the Powers. The independence of the Pope would thus
be guaranteed by the unanimous signature ci all Christendom; it would as-
sume the aspect, no longer of an Italian question, but ci an intarnational
question. It would be one ci those political realities in support ci which the
League of Nations would interpose with all the weight ci its influence at any
time when there was reason to iq[»prehend that the territorial power installed
in Rome might fail to keep its agreements. Political thinkers who have faith
in the League ci Nations are inclined to admit that under certain circum-
stances it might, in the name of certain principles of higher equity, limit the
absoluteness of national sovereignty, and oppose the arbitrary exercise of
such sovereign powers. A novel conception, certainly, and singularly con-
trary to the jealous claims of the old Rcksan d' EtatI But Italy would give a
good example to the world by accepting this friendly cooperation of the
League of Nations for the moral security of Christian opinion. A great stq>
would then be made toward the establishment of the Pax Romana.
This Pea: Romana encounters, it is true, vigorous resistance
in France itself. The law providing for the sending of an am-
bassador to the Vatican filed in March, 1920, was not passed by
the Chamber of Deputies until November 80. It still awaits
ratification by the Senate, and it does not seem that the min-
istry of M. Briand is in any great haste to see it carried through.
Most probably it will be enacted by a small majority; but the
opposition of those who are against the resumption of official
relations with the Vatican wiU deprive this result of much of
the significance the proposal at first seemed to have. It will
remain an act prompted by foreign policy, and will not mark a
radical modification of the religious policy of France. It b
extremely unlikely that France will ever adopt a Catholic
policy, seeking to create in Europe a Catholic bloc by an alliance
with the populations on the Rhine, Bavaria, and Austria, con-
cluded under the auspices of the Vatican, as some have unwisely
dreamed. France wiU continue as heretofore to make of its
entente with England and the United States the basis of a
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176 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
democratic and progressive policy. The republican form of
government is above all attacks, and cannot hereafter be over-
thrown. The war has indeed taught the French Republic the
importance of religious and moral factors in the world. The
heads of the French government are today more regardful of
the influence of the churches — the Protestant churches as well
as the Roman Catholic Church — and are more polite in deal-
ing with the powers of the churches. They wiU send an am-
bassador to the pope. But no one could dream today of ex-
tinguishing the proud spirit of intellectual independence and
the liberal convictions of French citizens. France will remain
the great democratic hearth-stone of Europe, the nation that
best preserves its poise between autocracy on the right and dem-
agogic anarchy on the left.
m
While social and political circumstances are thus in certain
ways favorable to progress in the churches of France, it must
not be forgotten that a grave difficulty threatens to paralyze
their efforts, namely, the acute difficulty in the filling up the
ranks of the clergy. Catholic churches and Protestant churches
alike are today confronted by the same difficulty — heavy losses
in men through the war, lamentably insufficient support for
the ministry. In the country the recruiting of the clergy has
almost completely stopped. While a peasant earns very large
wages, the Catholic priest sometimes receives only six francs a
day, and a Protestant pastor with a family to support, ten or
twelve francs. Here also the war, by bringing the whole male
population of France in contact with city life and disclosing
to them all the gains of industrial callings, broke up the tradi-
tions of country life. The children of the soil no longer set
their ambition on entering the ranks of the clergy. In certain
rural dioceses the recruiting of the Catholic clergy has sunk
almost to zero. Aged priests are serving two or three parishes;
what will happen after their death? Cardinal Amette said,
''Give us priests, churches, schools, but above all priests!"
The war, it is true, developed a mind for religious things in
a great many men who lived for long months with the thought
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THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION IN FRANCE 177
of death daily present to them. This has led many grown men
to the religious calling. The great Catholic Seminary of Paris
has in 1921 about 860 students, a number which it had never
before reached. And what is still more remarkable, among
these 860 students there are 85 who had already made their
start in another profession. We find among them a colonel of
the general staff, fifty officers of the army, four naval officers,
six engineers, manufacturers, tradesmen, etc. The resort of
students has been so great that it has been found necessary to
decline to admit forty foreign applicants of English speech and
numerous Orientals. Thus the large cities are furnishing nu-
merous candidates of every age to the priesthood, and if the
recruiting of the Catholic clergy taken as a whole remains in-
sufficient, it may be hoped that the lack of numbers may be
compensated in a measure by the quality of the recruits.
The Protestant churches have had a similar experience.
They also have difficulty in finding pastors for the country
churches. But upon the benches of their seminaries also sit
officers, men wearing the ribbon of the Legion of Honor, grown
men laying aside a profession upon which they had already
entered to serve the church. The number of theological semi-
naries has been raised since the armistice from two to three;
Strasbourg having been added to Paris and M ontpeUier. And
in addition to the seminaries, various theological schools have
been opened especially for the training of evangelists, mission-
aries, young women, and the like. The number of students of
Protestant theology in 1921 is materially larger than 1914, it
reaches almost 150 — a high figure, when it is remembered that
the number of active pastors is only 1100. But these recruits
do not yet suffice to make good the losses of the war, nor the
exodus of those who leave the ministry for lay professions that
yield a less inadequate support. The rural population has not
yet come to the point of making sufficient sacrifices to keep
their churches alive and secure to their ministers a situation
worthy of their calling.
By degrees priests and pastors slip toward the cities, while
the country parishes are deserted, in part by reason of the
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178 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
mdifference and avarice of their inhabitants. In this there is
a great danger for the future. If the country population of
France should cease to be Christian, if the principles of justice
and brotherly love should cease to be held in honor there, the
moral equilibrium of France would be greatly imperilled; it
would be ready for all sorts of revolutionary adventures.
This peril is perceived by very many, and the French Chris-
tian youth of today is far from being apathetic and indifferent.
Students in the universities and the higher schools frequently
feel themselves called to a sort of temporary apostolate. They
take to posting biUs, distributing tracts, holding lectures,
writing for the press, in behalf of the good cause. In Protestant
circles in Paris the movement. La Cause^ gathers a steadily
increasing number of enthusiastic students, men and women,
who devote all their leisure to spreading evangelical principles.
Parisian Catholic circles have devoted themselves to the
(Euvrea de Midiy or professional GuHdes, which bring together in
each quarter young women who leave their places of work be-
tween noon and two o'clock for their mid-day meal. These
guilds include a lunch-room, besides rest-rooms and halls for
lectures. They have a strictly confessional and Catholic
character, and priests preach short sermons in them. There
are at present the Guilde St. Mathieu, open to the employees of
banks; the Guilde Ste Marie de TAiguille for dressmakers; the
Guilde Ste Madeleine for the girls in perfumery shops; the
Guilde St. Honor^ for those who are employed in food shops.
In all these groups there are zealous, faithful souls» ready to
make all sacriiBces for their associations.
Thus contemporary France has in the religious field the same
difficulty as in all otiier fields of national activity — a lack of
men for middling and obscure places. In the cities there is a
blossoming out of enterprises, and an enthusiastic and zealous
body of youth; but the great rural masses are as yet untouched
by these movements. A considerable number of young people
from the cities go, it is true, to find in the country remunera-
tive positions, and they contribute to raise the intellectual
level of the inhabitants of villages. The future will belong to
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THE RELIGIOUS SITUATION IN FRANCE 179
those who know how to elevate and ditect the spirit of the
French peasants. These peasants, more enlightened, better off,
and with greater desire for knowledge, need intellectual and
moral leaders of the first quality, filled with truly apostolic
faith and zeal. When they shall have them, France will resume
an eminent place, if not the foremost, in the intellectual and
moral world.
The friends of France may be reassiu*ed. The country has
almost recovered its mental equilibrium. The sound traditions
of labor among its peasants have preserved it better than any
other country in Europe from the social Utopias that frequently
follow a great war. The Russian revolutionary propaganda has
completely failed, and the moderate and conservative elements
are much more powerful than before the war. There was even
for a moment reason to apprehend that France might abandon
its high liberal traditions to submit to the yoke of Rome. But
that will not be. A prouder and a truer conception of the
spiritual independence of the state and of the churches is
already gaining ground. France will find a way to give to the
Catholic Church, as to the Protestant churches, a legitimate
place; not an unfavorable place as in recent years, and not a
privileged place such as some have imagined. The spiritual
forces, like material forces, of the nation are weakened, and in
particular it wiU require years to train all the spiritual leaders
of whom our youth has need. At no moment of the war was
the moral quality of France seriously impaired. That collapse
of all ideals which our enemies expected as the prelude of
French defeat never came. Gratitude for this is due to all
those who were the spiritual educators of the nation, and who
kept its soul up to the level of the exigencies.
In the years which are to come, France, always eager for new
inspirations, will be looking for guides in the world of thought
and faith. May the influence of America, so enthusiasticaQy
exalted among us in 1918, and still so beloved, so potent in
France, be among those which shall assist our country to form
for itself high ideals of spiritual greatness! It is not to no pur-
pose that France has recently sent one of its most famous
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180 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
generals to render homage to the memory of the Pilgrims of the
Mayflower. Wherever in the world moral greatness, liberty,
and heroism are to be found, France desires to be present and
to receive the lessons of history. The uniting of the spiritual
patrimony of the two great republics may save the world of
tomorrow just as the uniting of their material forces saved it
yesterday.
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NOTES
A PAPYRUS MANUSCRIPT OF THE MINOR PROPHETS
Among the parchment and papjmis manuscripts and fragments
brought to this country by the University of Michigan Expedition
under Professor Francis W. Kels^, only one is of paramount interest
to the Biblical scholar. There are indeed lectionaries and parts of
lectionaries dating from the eleventh century and later, and even a
single papyrus fragment of a Psalm, but the former are uninteresting
textually, and the latter is too smaU to give much evidence.
The papyrus manuscript of the Minor Prophets formed a part of a
previous purchase made in Egypt in 1916 for Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan
and Mr. Charles L. Freer. Transportation was too hazardous to per^
mit of bringing the manuscripts to America at that time. Th^ were
packed in a tin case which was sealed by the American consul and
placed in the vault of a bank in Cairo.
After the armistice no one interested in the manuscripts was able
to visit Egypt until last year, when the work of the University of
Michigan Expedition brought Professor Kels^ to Cairo. The case
containing the manuscr^ts was received and opened by him. On
account of their fragile nature all the manuscripts were taken by
Professor Kelsey to Rome, where the material obtained for Mr.
Mo^an, chiefly Coptic, was delivered to Professor Hyvemat. The
-Greek papyrus was forwarded through the American Embassy to the
library of the University of Michigan, where it will remain until the
editorial work has been finished. It will then be placed in the Freer
-Galleiy in Washington, to which the Greek parchment manuscripts
in the Freer Collection have already been transferred.
There remains of this manuscript 28 leaves, written on both sides,
4ind rather numerous fragments. The size of the leaves is at present
about 5 inches wide by 9 inches long. A little nuirgin is preserved in
places on each side and at the bottom, but at the top the margin and
9 or 10 lines are missing. As 38 or 39 lines are preserved on most pages,
the original manuscript probably had 48 lines to the page. The
length of the line is four and one-fourth inches, and it contains on the
Average about 30 letters. If we allow for an inch of margin all the
way around, the original size of the leaf was about 6 by 12 inches.
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182 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
The maiiU8crq>t appeared at first sight to be in book form, but no
traces of binding were found, nor had there been any in the period
immediately preceding the burial or loss of the manuscript.
When I opened the manuscript the pages were photographed as the
leaves were separated, being numbered 1, l^ etc. When the leaves
thus numbered were compared with the Greek text, I found that two
leaves, 14 and 15, had been turned over together without affecting
the neighboring ones, and leaves 20 and 21 had been turned over
separately so as to bring the backside of each first. At the time this
happened it seems likely that there was no binding. In fact it may
wdl be that there never was a binding, but that these long, narrow
leaves were kept in a pile and perhaps numbered to keep them in
order. The length of the sheets, the broad column of writing, the
crowding of the writing, all point to a special ^brt to keep the manu-
script, or rather the pile of sheets, as thin as possible. A manuscript
of such a form may well have been kept and carried about in a box
or wallet, as the Irish missionaries carried their Bibles.
I have made no attempt as yet to read and place the fragments.
The entire leaves give the text from Amos 7, 9 to Malachi 2, 9, with
the lacunae caused by the missing tops of the leaves. The manu-
script has a small number of accents, all seemingly from a later hand.
They are in general accurate, and are similar to those now in use.
Punctuation is more frequent, both single and double dots occurring,
and these likewise seem to be from a later hand. Iota adscript ap-
pears infrequently, as does the rou^ breathing in the half H and
square forms, both from the hand of the original scribe as weU as
from a corrector. Dots over initial iota and upsilon and an gpoB-
trc^he after proper nouns aiding in a consonant are rare and from
first hand. There are many corrections, some from a hand probably
contemporary, others from one later. Both used good sources. Ab-
breviations are rather infrequent, only icvpiof , Bern, atfOfxaimf infmf$M, and
uTfiarik being regularly abbreviated.
The writing is a sloping uncial of the oval type, but more cursive
than any literary manuscript of like size that I know excq)t parts of
Aristotle's Constitution of Athens. Papyrus publications of the past
thirty years have furnished a wealth of examples of this sloping hand
which was once called rare and late. It is fairly common from the
first century to the seventh, and the so-called Slavonic uncial on
pardmient is its direct descendant. The types of this hand in use in
the Roman period, i.a., up to about 850 a.d., and in the Byzantine»
are easily distinguishable. The exaggerated size of some letters, and
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NOTES 188
the cruder, heavier stroke, mark the later period. Our manuscript
bdongs in 'the Roman period, and not at its very end; though more
cursive in character, it compare» well in breadth of letter and in char-
acter of stroke with many third century examples. In the sloping
hand of the second century the letters are somewhat broader.
The odd mixture of cursive and literary characters in a hand
which is plainly trying to avoid cursive makes the hand hard to date
exactly. A good document to compare is No. 72 of Vol. 11 of the
Amherst Papyri, Plate xviii, from the year 246. Our manuscript
does not use the cursive forms of most letters consistently, and it
sometimes varies, offering other cursive forms not found in No. 72.
Yet the general resemblance combined with characteristic forms of
certain letters point to a third century date. Thus omicron is con-
sistently small, sometimes iq[>pearing as a mere dot, and never equal
in sise to the other letters. The sigma regularly has a flat top which
does not bend forward or droop. A form of kappa shaped like a small
cursive U is of frequent occurrence. Also other cursive forms of less
frequoit use point to a third century date. A facsimile of one page
of the manuscript has been given in the Michigan Alumnus for Febru-
ary, 1921. I am sure that the manuscript can not be placed later
than 325 a.d., and I am at present inclined to date it in the second
half of the third century.
One expects much from the oldest existing manuscript of any con-
sid^able portion of the Bible, and I believe we shall not be disap-
pointed. Its value can be suggested by a few noteworthy readings
drawn from different places in the text.
In Micah 1, 15, the reading is 17 5o(a nys Ovyarpos Icrpai^X, but
lapaijX was carefuUy crossed out by the third hand, which has done
much good correcting in the manuscript. The corrections by this
hand do not seem to represent conjectures but manuscript authority.
In this passage we might assume that Itrpaiik has been deleted be-
cause of a misplaced obelus belonging to Bvyarpos, but there is, I
think, a better explanation pointing to an older text. In the Aldine
edition and some later manuscripts Xmp stands for IcrpaiyX. It is a
commonplace of textual criticism that such variations often point to
an earlier omission, which we now find in this old papyrus manuscript.
It is not necessary to assume that the omission was original in the
Septuagint, thou^ it may have been. The expression, "until the
glory of the daughter shall come to OdoUam,'' suggested the comple-
tion '^daughter of Zion," if not "daughter of Israel.** Ao;y family of
manuscripts omitting the word would naturally have it supplied by
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184 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
conjecture, if there was no manuscript handy in which it could be
found. Its deletion in our manuscrq>t indicates a desire to keep to
the simpler and so perhaps older form of text.
In Micah 4, 3, the Piq>yrus reads ras itfiwas for ra 5opara. The
manuscripts A, Q*, 26, 40, 49, etc. support this reading, as does also
the Syro-Hexaplar. Likewise Justin Martyr cites this passage with
itfiwat in his text. The word iifiw^i with its parallel forms vifiwr^^
aiyvpTft evPoprif etc. was common in Macedonian Greek. It means a
hunting-spear or any light spear. It was a dialectical word, but one
sure to be known throD^out the empire of Alexander. It occurs in
the Septuagint in three other passages, Isaiah 2, 4, and Jeremiah 6»
22, without variant, and in Judith 1, 15, where some manuscripta
spell with a sigma. The common word dopu is found over fifty times
in the Septuagint, and so is apt to have been substituted for the rare
fiffvPTf by later scholars.
In Micah 7, 12, thb manuscript has Dvptos, n/i^pa vdaroi jcoi $opufioi^
for icoi aro SaKoffons eus OoKaaarit km avo ofioas em rwf opovs. The
Alexandrinus adds Svptos at this point and the rest of the substitute
as an addition after opovs \ being supported in the latter addition by
many cursives; while Q* agrees with our manuscript in giving thia
reading as a substitute for the regular text, which has however been
added in the margin by Q*. The conmion reading agrees well with
the Hebrew, from which this variant represents a decided departure*
The fact that it omits the second and third parallels, ''from sea to sea
and from moimtain to mountain," tends to show its primitive char-
acter. The first parallel in the Septuagint, ''from T^re to the river,"'
does not match well with the others, for it seems to be individual
while th^ are general. A double interpretation of the Hebrew waa
noted as possible by Hieronymus. If the second and third parallela
are omitted, such an addition as Xvpias seems necessaiy to make the
sense complete. As regards the addition, "a day of rain and con-
fusion," we can only say that it is Hebrew in style and fits in well with
verses 11 and 12. The form in our manuscript and in Q* shows less
inconsistency than that in the other manuscripts of the Septuagint,
which may argue for its primitive character. In any case we see here
a parallel to the standard Hebrew text and not a derivative from it«
AU manuscripts showing both expressions, as the Alexandrinus, are
of a secondary character.
In Obadiah vs. 16, is found the addition runnai rarra ra ^hti ocvor
before rioi^ai, as in N% A, and some later manuscripts, whfle Q and
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NOTES 185
otliers are reported for a different order. This addition oonf onns to
the Massoretic text, makes the Greek more intelligible by adding the
necessary subject for xcorriu, and what is more important, forms
a stronger verse. When we consider that we can explain the regular
Septuagint text as an ordinary omission by homoeoteleuton, the
jump from tvoptw} to irwunw? causing the loss of 28 letters, or about
a line of an ancient manuscript, it seems best to consider the longer
form original in the Sq>tuagint.
In Zephaniah 1, 8, after BoKofftntt is the addition ecu vnturbaKla innt
offtfiwui]^ but the same hand or one of about the same time has
deleted the phrase with a small dot over each letter. Hieronymus
and cod. 86 mg. testify that this addition is from Symmachus. It
is found also in the minuscules 86, 288, and 240. The fact that it was
ddeted in our manuscript, probably by the diorthotes, shows that it
was recognized as an addition, periiaps marked as coming from Sym-
machus, and so was deleted.
In Zechariah 14, 17, the papyrus adds at the end, aai owe tanu ew*
avrois iwrof . It is supported here only by the Aldine edition, codd.
86, 51, and a few others. We know from Hieronjrmus that this is
approximately the true translation of the Hdbrew as given by Aquila,
Symmachus, and Theodotion. Aquila seems to have had oitfipoi for
uerof . Again we may have the rendering of Symmachus or an inde-
pendent adaptation to the Hebrew appearing in our manuscript, but
this time it is conflate and not deleted.
In Zephaniah 8, 10, our manuscript reads te/iow /lov cf [rots
{]ic<rjcDpTur/icMKf for Tpcxr^cfo^iOi cv ^ic^rap/icyotf juov, but the addition
was deleted by dots over most of the letters. The manuscripts
A, Q, 26, 49, etc. omit from irpoalkfyiuu to juov, which is marked
by an asterisk in the Syro-Hexaplar. It is from Theodotion.
Symmachus as quoted by Theodoret is quite different. Aquila is not
preserved for this verse. The form in our manuscript is so good, and
agrees so well with the Massoretic text, that it seems best again to
assume that a gloss drawn from another translation of the Hebrew
has crept into the text. The fact that this also is deleted tends to
confirm the surmise that the glosses were so marked that the
diorthotes detected them. Perhaps a phrase from the translation
by Aquila has been preserved here.
In Habakkuk 8, 1, we find \nctp rtop ayvouav added after co^. This
is a translation of the Hebrew, as we see from Hieronymus, who
quotes Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion. Yet ayvoujw is not
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186 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
found there* the nearest approach being ayvoiniarw found in two of
the tianflUtions. Either some unknown translation or the original
Hebrew has influenced our manuscript at this point.
In Zechariah 1> 3, this manuscript omits the first Xryct Evpiot Twr
SwofUM^ and rwr dwa4t&atf of the second. The first ci these expres-
sions is omitted dsewhere only in the Holmes and Parsons cursives
86, 40» 49, etc., and the second in 130, 239, 311. M* has the first Xsyu
Kvpun with ircammparwp for rdsif Bvpofutay, but all were deleted by
the second hand and vaPTOKpaT<ap ddeted a second time by the third
hand. Also for the second nap Swafutap we find TayroKpanap in A, Q,
26, 40, etc. Yet the Syro-Hemplar marks both with an asterisk as
derived from Theodotion. Our manuscript alone preserves the
original Septuagint in both cases, though it is supported by the second
hand of N for the first omission.
In Zechariah 11, 13, this manuscript adds xfi (for xai) KoBtiKa before
Kiu cM^oXor. It is supported only by codd. 61, 62, 86, and some
others. This is considered a case of repetition or double inteipreta-
tion, but in fact the meanings are hardly similar enough to warrant
this conclusion. Neither do Aquila nor Symmachus have this verb,
though both are preserved. I have so far found no case where this
manuscript reproduces a reading from Theodotion. As given here
the whole sentence may be interpreted: ''And I took the thirly
pieces of silver and sent them down (or, went down) and cast them
into the house of the Lord into the smdting furnace.'' If we assume
that this represents, not a double inteipretation, but an older form of
the Hebrew text, it is not hard to understand why the Maasoretic
and the later translations should have succeeded in eliminating the
phrase from the Septuagint manuscripts, especially when assisted by
such a corrupt form as appears in this old papjrrus.
In Zechariah 13, 1, this manuscript, supported by Q and four
cursives, omits the whole phrase, koi ro» Kwrowowruf to x^P^t*oip.
B\ H\ 86, 22, 23, 238, mark it with asterisks or similar signs. As the
Syro-Hezaplar also marks it as an insertion from Theodotion, there
can be no question that our manuscript preserves the correct text,
though with little support.
In conclusion I may add what has been hinted by the above dia-
cussed readings. The new manuscript almost never goes with B^ when
it is opposed by the other old uncials. Its nearest rektive is Q, though
it lacks much of Q's Utter material. At times it goes with the Utter
cursives only. The first scribe made a good many mistakes which
were later corrected; both forms will be instructive. Thus far the
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NOTES 187
manuscript seems free from the influence of Theodotion, Qrigen, and
the later editions. On the other hand it is going to give us a clearer
insight into the amount and kind of comq)tion which preceded
Origen.
Henry A. Sandebs
Umivsbbiit of MicmQAS
Ann Abbor, BIich.
CEPHAS AND PETER IN THE EPISTLE TO THE
GALATIANS
In his note 'Simon, Cephas, Peter' in this Review (Januaiy, 1921,
pp. 91^97)^ Professor Kirsopp Lake, calling attention to the exist-
ence of early evidence that in some quarters Cephas was thought
to be a different person from Peter, wonders why "Christian tradition
has so completely lost sight of these doubts, which were clearly present
in various forms to Clement of Alexandria and to the still earlier
writer of the Epistola Apostolorum.*'
As a matter of fact Christian tradition never lost sight completely
of these doubts. This was due primarily to controversial reasons
which led the expositors of the New Testament to attempt edifying
explanations of the quarrel of Cephas and Paul at Antioch related
in the Epistle to the Galatians. It seems that very early dissenters
from the great church made the most of that episode to belittle the
value of the unity and consistency of the Apostolic tradition boasted
by the icafioKucii backneia. Of the Marcionites, for instance, Tertul-
lian says: "Pr(^)onunt ergo ad suggillandum ignorantiam aliquam
^)ostolorum« quod Petrus et qui cum eo reprehensi sunt aPaulo . • .**
etc. {De praescr, haerel, 23), and again: *'Ipsum Petrum caeterosque
cdumnas apostolatus a Paido reprehensos opponunt, quod non recto
pede incederent ad Evangelii veritatem'' {Ade. Marcionem^ i, 20;
iv, S; V, 3). It seems that Porphyry also made caustic comments on
the apostolic quarrel: **Porphyrio • . . blasphemanti, qui Pauli
aiguit procacitatem, quod principem Apostolorum Petrum ausus est
reprdiendere et arguere in faciem . . .'* (Jerome, Ep. cxii, 6, ad
Augustinum); and finally the emperor Julian accused Peter of hypoc-
risy: KaraffioinrrH S^ Tp^ ro^rois tcpp iyUaif kxo<rr6\uiv hacpLTW Ukrpov 6
y&vhJbat KoX inroKptri^ dvaX ^(ri, kqX IXijX^yx^cu Jid roO na6Xov, & irorc
l»kp rots ^EXXi^vaii' Wwi Bia^p inmobLiovra^ rori 6i rois 'loudaJUay, ipnwiic^
dffATOM n)y & 7€ toOtois ^brexy^rLrjpf oUcovofdaif (Cyril of Alexandria,
Conira JvUanum, lib. ix. P. G. hxvi, 1000-01).
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188 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
The passage of Clement's Bypotyposeon quoted by Eusebius (Biti.
Ecdes. i. 12, 2) states that the Cephas who was rebuked by Paul in
Antioch was not Peter, but one of the Seventy Disciples. It seems
therefore that Clement was following a different tradition from that
represented by tiie Epistola Apoftolcrum and by the so-called Kirchen-
Ordnung, both of which make Cephas one of the Twelve, but other
than Peter .^ We must not forget, however, that Eusebius's quotation
from the Hypotyposeon is not b^ond doubt, in view of the fact that
according to Rufinus (Apcl. pro Origene) and Photius (BM. Cod. 109,
p. 9, P.6. ciii, 388) this book had been interpolated by heretics of all
kinds. This doubt is strengthened by the fact that Origen, who be-
longs to the same circle with Clement, ignores the tradition that
counted Cephas as an independent member of the Twelve, and iden-
tifies him with Peter (Comm. in Joann. xxxii, 5. P. 6. xiv, 753).
According to Jerome, Origen was the first to propound the theory
that the dispute of Peter and Paul in Antioch was xard rpdacnrop — it
was an **h€neda dispensation" that is to say a preconcerted plot be-
tween the two Apostles in order to give a forceful lesson to the Ju-
daisers of Antioch : '"Hanc explanationem primus Origenes in decimo
Stromatum Ubro ubi Epistolam Pauli ad Galatas interpretatur et
caeteri deinceps interpretes sunt secuti*' (Ep. cxii. 5). Among those
who followed Origen, Jerome expressly mentions ''Didymum videntem
meum,' et Laodicenum de ecdesia nuper expressum (Apollinaris) et
Alexandrum veterem haereticum, Eusebium quoque Emisenum, et
Theodorum Heracleotem*' (Ep. odi, 4). But the most famous of
all those who adopted Origen's view was John Chiysostom, who in
a sermon on the passage xard irpdaonrov airrc^ kmkffrxiv^ tri KaTeYvoxritkiKK
liv (Gal. 2, 11) mentions that there were some who taught that the
man rebuked by Paul was not Peter, the first of the Apostles, but
somebody else: Oi)K fp cStos n^rpos, ^ab^, Ueiyos 6 T<ap iLToardXunf
TpQros, 6 Tapd rod Kvplov rd irp6j9ara TtareuOds, HXK* trtph tis drrekits
^ The list of the Apostles given in the Epistola Apostolorum and in the Kirchen-
Ordnung is certainly curious. It is fair to say, howevier, that ahnost aO the traditional
lists found in various periods and various places present very strange combinations.
The main tendency was to preserve the number Twelve^ but at the same time to in-
clude in the Twelve Paul and the Evangelists. In the ioonographic tradition of the
sixth century (Theodoricus* Mausoleum) the list is as follows: Peter, Paul, Andrew,
James, John, Philip, Bartholomew, Matthew, Mark, Luke, Thomas, Simeon, and the
same list although in di£ferent order appears in the *EpititfptUi tQv Zbayph/^foif whidi was
for centuries the source book of painters and artists. SeeG. deJerphanion,Qads8ont
les douse Ap6tres dans Tlconographie dir^tienne? in Eechcrches de Science Religiensf,
Sq>t.-Dec., 1920, pp. S58-S07. > A play on "Didymus the Blind."
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NOTES 189
Kol iLvt^^fihoSf Koi rOtf iroXXcoy tts (P. G. li» 880). As for himjself
Chiyaofltom rqects this opinion and affinns the identity of C^has
and Peter.
It is worthy of remark in this passage from Chiysostom that»
according to the theologians whose opinion he criticizes, Cephas was
a despicable person; the disparaging words c^rcXi^ koI iweplk^itJikiKn,
Kol rw iroXXw cIs could hardly be applied to one of the Seventy.
Had Chiysostom a different source from Eusebius? Neither Chiy-
sostom nor Jerome mentions the names of those who, following Cle-
ment's view, denied the identity of Cephas and Peter; but from
Jerome's words it is dear that at least one of those who had written
extensive replies to Foiphyiy adopted this opinion: ''Ad extremum
si propter Porphyrii blasphemiam alius nobis fingendus est Cephas, ne
Petrus putetur errasse, infinita de scripturis erunt radenda divinis,
quae ille qui non intelligit criminatur" {Ccmm. in Oal., P. L. xxvi,
S41). Was he aiming at Methodius of Olympus or at Eusebius of
Caesarea, both of whom are known to have written treatises against
Poiphyiy? This question cannot be settled, because both those
works are completely lost.
In the pre-Nioene Christian literatiue of the West there is no hint
of the slightest doubt about the identity of Peter with the man who
quarreled with Paul in Antioch. The fact that in the current Latin
versions of the New Testament the name Cephas was always trans-
lated by Peter prevented any question on this point. As a matter of
fact, Tertullian (in the passage quoted above) and Cyprian never
name Cephas, and explain Peter's conduct as a remarkable example
of concord and patience given to the hierarchy: "Petrus . . . docu-
mentum nobis concordiae et patientiae tribuens. . . ." (Ep. bod,
ed. Hartel IQ, ii, 773). Qrigen's bold exegesis of the icard Tp6(r<aww
was unknown in the West. Hikuy of Poitiers (in Ep. ad Oal., Pitra,
SpUnlegium i, 58-59) and Ambrose (in Ep. ad Corinthios i, 5, 4 and
in Ep. ad Gd.. ii, 11, P. L. xvii, 229, S50) follow Cyprian's Une of
thought. Jerome was the first who tried to introduce the interpreta-
tion of the **hanesta dispensatio " in the West, but Augustine emphati-
caUy opposed an exegesis which made of the dispute of the apostles a
little pious comedy for the instruction of the Judaisers of Antioch.
This question led to an exchange of somewhat sharp letters between
Jerome and Augustine, written not without rancore siomachiy as
the former himself says. Augustine's view eventually prevailed, and
Jerome later on recanted (Ado. Rvfinum^ 3, 1. See MOhler, Oesamr
mdU Sekrifien i, 1 ff.).
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190 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Augustine does not mention Cephas, but he confesses that his
sources of information about the dispute of the Apostles were limited*
**haud plures de hoc argumento legi et audivi Fatres quam Ambro-
sium et Cyprianum/' Jerome as we have abeady noticed was ac-
quainted with the opinion that Cephas was not Peter: *'Sunt qui
Cepham cui hie in f aciem Paulus restitisse se scribit, non putant
apostolum Petrum, sed alium de septuaginta discipulis isto vocabulo
nuncupari. . . . Quibus respondendum, alterius nescio cuius Cephae
nescire nos nomen, nisi eius qui et in Evangelic et in aliis Pauli
epistulis et in hac quoque ipsa, modo Cephas modo Petnis scribitur''
{Comm, ad Chd.t P. L. xxvi, 341).
Two centuries later, Gregory the Great in his Commentary on
Ezekiel repeats the same statement: ^'Sunt vero nonnulli qui non
Petrum Apostolorum principem, sed quondam aliuin eo nomine qui
a Paulo sit reprehensus accipiunt, qui si Pauli studiosius verba legis-
sent, ista non dicerent ** {In Ezeeh, Lib. ii, Hom. vi, 10, P. L. hocvi,
1003) . We have no evidence that in Gr^ory's times there were West-
em expositors who held such an opinion; it is probable therefore that
Gregory was simply repeating what he read in Jerome. In the East,
on the contrary, it seems that about that time the Clementine-
Eusebian view was very much in favor; it is explicitly stated in the
so-called Chronica Alexandrina^ or Chronichan Paschale^ a compilation
made under the Emperor Heraclius (610-641) by putting tc^ther old
lists and documents of various origin. According to the Chronica^
the Cephas rebuked by Paul was one of the Seventy Disciples : Ki^^ot
dfj^wfun TLkrpov $ Kal kiJLax'fl<fO'To IlaOXos icard 'Iov$at<r/ioO (P. G. zcii»
521). The same statement is made in the famous X{rYypafi$M
hKK\n<na<rTuc6P9 a forgery of the eighth century published under the
name of a Dorotheus, supposed bishop of l^re and martyr of an
early persecution, a mythical personage who never existed. The
purpose of the forgery, which purported to be an account of the
careers of the Apostles and of the disciples of Jesus, was to give an
historical color to the legend of the apostoUc foundation of the See
of Constantinople, with the apostle Andrew as first bishop. This
choice seems to have been suggested by the fact that Anchrew was
called by Jesus to the apostleship earlier than his brother Peter. In
the distribution of churches made by the Z677pa/iMa» Cephas also got
a bishopric: E^as 6p 6 &ir6<rroXos IlaDXos h 'AyrioxAq, ^Xty^af fc koI
hrUfKOTOs Eoplas iytyero (P. G. xcii, 1065).
In the tenth century we find again a commentator on the Epistle to
the Galatians, Oecumenius bishop of Trikka (Thessaly), who agrees
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NOTES 191
with this tradition and quotes Euaebius in support of his opinion
(P. G. czviii» 1 1 12) .' The same tradition has the adhesion of Salomon
Chalatensis, Bishop of Bassara (Syria), in a treatise, ^*De praedica-
tione Apostolorum et de loco uniuscuiusque eorum, deque eorum
morte/' written about 1222 (Assemani, BiUioiheca Orienialist iii,
S19). Finally it found its way into the Greek Menologia, and ac-
quired right of citizenship in the eastern ecclesiastical tradition/
In the West, as it is eai^ to imagine, Augustine's teaching pre-
vailed, and was constantly followed down to the fifteenth oentuiy.
It is only occasionally that the opinion that Cephas and Peter were
different persons is mentioned, and then only to be r^ected. Such is
the case with a commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians written
by Herv£, abbot of Bourgdieu (Herverus Burdigalensis, 1100-1150),
who repeats ad verburn^ although without quoting the author's name,
Gregory in Exechidem: ''Sunt vero nonnulli qui non Petrum," etc.
(P. L. cboad, 1145).
Hugo of St. Victor (EzegeHca. i. In S. Scrip. Quaestiones in Ep.
Pauli in Ep. ad Gal. Quaestio vi.) and after him Aquinas {Comm.
in Ep. ad Oalatas, Opera, ed. Parma, ziii, 890-^97) and all the great
Scholastics had no doubt of the identity of Cephas and Peter, although
they were acquainted through Jerome with the opposite opinion.
They discussed at a great length ''an (reprehensio haec) fuerit vera,
an dispensatoria, et an peccaverit Petrus et vere reprdiensibiUs fue-
rit,'' adding to it a series of considerations "de tempore quo licuit
l^;alia observare et de observatione legalium quantum ad Aposto-
los," and a detailed exposition of the controversy between Jerome and
Augustine, with a conclusion in favor of the latter: "Salva reverentia
secretorum, Beati Augustini sententiam preferimus " (Hugo of St.
Victor, P. L. ckxv, 556).
During the controversies provoked by the Reformation the dis-
pute at Antioch acquired a new importance in relation to the ques-
tion of the primacy of Peter.* Some Catholic theologians, like those
' The writings which go under the name of Oecumenius have rather the character
of an anthology compiled in a casual form.
^ In the Synaxarium Constantinopolitanom the oommemoration of Cephas is a»-
sgned to December 8 together with other disciples (Phq>ylaeum ad Acta SS. Novembiis
Synaz.EocLQ>litanae» opera et studio ELDelehaycBruxellis, 1908; ooL 290). Inthe
Mmaea edited in Venice in 1592» the commemoration is found March SO (Ih, ooL 574).
■ On the importance given by the early Protestants to the incident of Antioch, see
JL Holl, 'Der Stieit swischen Petrus und Paulus su Antiochien in seiner Bedeutung
fftr Luthers innere Entwicklung,' Zeitsdirift fttr Kirdiengeichidite» zxxviii (1919),
pp. 88-40.
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198 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
of the fourth centuiy of whom Jerome gpeaks, thought that the best
way to dispose of the question for good and all was to exhume the old
opinion of Clement and Eusebius: C^has was not Peter, but one of
the Seventy. (A. Pighe, Hierarehiae EcdesiasHcae Assertio. Coloniae
1538. lib. iii,Cap. ll,f. 100. *' Quae ex Paulo objiciuntur,dissolvere.*'
Hardouin, Commeniariaa in Novo TeHamenio, Amsterdam, 1741, Ap-
pendix: Petrus et Joannes vindicati. i. Cepham a Paulo reprehen-
sum Petrum non esse, pp. 785-799).* Suarez (Lib. ix, De lege Dimna,
c. W. Opera, vi, 580-542) and Bellannine however, remain faithful
to the Augustinian view (De Bom. Pont, i, cap. xvi. Op. i, S47).
Most theologians of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries fol-
lowed Pighe and Hardouin, and tried to strengthen their assump-
tion not only by making appeal to the old tradition, but also by a long
series of historical and theological arguments. (Vallarsi, Notes in
his edition of the Opera S. Hieronymi, Venice 1766-72, vii, 408 seq.
reprinted in P. L. xxviii, 840; Zaocaria, DissertazUme su Cefa fipreeo
da S. Paolo: Diss, varie. 1, 195; Roma 1780; M. Molkenbuhr, Quod
Cephas Oal. 11^ 11, rum eii Petrus. Apud Monast., 1808; A. F. James,
DissertaOans ouilest irr^ragablemeni prouvS que St Pierre seul d6eida
la question defoi soumise au Condle de Jerusalem et que Cephas reprie
par St. Paul d Antioche n*est pas U mhne que le prince des Apdires,
Paris 1846; A. Vincenzi, Lucubrationes biUicae, Pa^ ii, 87, et seq.;
I. Neubauer S. J., *De Legibus* in Theologia Wirceburgensist Tom. v,
258-265.)
The most important of these arguments was furnished by chronol-
* Jean Hardouin, Jesuit, was the editor of the "Conciliorum CoUectio Begia Idbud-
ma" (Paris, 1715-25). His "Commentarius in Novum Testamentum" was published
after his death. The appendix "Petrus Vindicatus" is divided into 20 chapters, dealing
with the exegetical and the historical sides of the question. The fifth chapter assumes
that if we grant that Cephas was Peter, we must conclude that Peter was guilty of
hereby: "Immunem ab hereseos labe Petrum non fuisse, si reprehensus ipse a Paulo
est" The sixth goes even so far as to affirm that all faith in Scripture would be upset
if we admit the identity of Cephas and Peter: " Periditari ac mutare ipsam sacrarum
literarum fidem videri si Petrum a Paulo fuisse reprehensus damus." This excess of
seal led to the condemnation of the Commentarius, which was put on the Index.
Hardouin was incensed by the fact that not only Ph>testant historians Qike the Cen-
turiatores Blagdeburgenses) but also Jansenist writers (like P. Quesnel, La Discipline
de I'E^ise i, 224-229) put great stress on the incident of Antioch as giving evidence
that Peter's (and therefore the Pope's) decisions were far from being unimpeachable.
He shows no less irritation against the Greek editions of the New Testament, which
like that published in Holland in 1688, for the reading Ki|^ in GaL 8; 11-14, sub-
stituted Ukrpaif, which reading, he says, "habetur a Graecis (schismaticis) pro authen-
tica."
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NOTES 198
ogy and had been already sketched by Hardouin. Starting from the
theory of the twenty-five years of Roman episcopate of Peter, these
theologians concluded that Peter must have been in Rome not later
than the year 42 a.d.; on the other hand it was only in the year 44
that Paul went to Jerusalem and there met for the first time Cephas,
with whom junxit dexteram. This Cephas could not be Peter, who
at that time was in Rome. But there is no doubt that the Cephas
who five years later in Antioch was rebuked by Paul was the same
man that Paul had met in Jerusalem, therefore he cannot be identified
with Peter, althou^ about that time Peter returned to Jerusalem,
to preside over the council of the year 50.
The Vatican Council of 1870 and the discussions about the infalli-
bility of the Pope gave a new interest to the question. But modem
Catholic theologians, realising how weak is the chronological argu-
ment based on legendaiy data, have abandoned Cephas to his fate,
and have gone back to Augustine and the old tradition of the western
Fathers. (Pahnieri, D., De Romano PorOifice, Prali, 1002, pp. 371^73.
Mazzelki, C, De Rdigione et Ecdesia, Prati, 1005, pp. 002-603.
Straub, De Ecdesia ChrisH, i, 135. Innsbruck, 1012.) They accepted
the identity of Cephas and Peter, but found in the episode of Antioch
a new argument in favor of the infallibility of the Pope : *'Huiusmodi
facto evidenter se prodit Petri primatus. Quamvis enim Paulus
verbis doceret non esse opus iudaizare, Petrus autem solo conversa-
tionis ezemplo videretur docere esse iudaizandum, hie tamen ceteros
ipsumque Bamabam cogAat^ non tantum alliciebat iudaizare. Unde
tanta Acacia exempli taciti Petri, ut praevaleret doctrinae praedican-
tis Pauli, nisi ex eo quod ab omnibus Petrus potior Paulo habebatur
eiusque auctoritas suprema esse in Ecclesia credebatur?" (Palmieri,
op. dt. p. 374.)
G. La Piana
A SYRIAC PARALLEL TO THE GOLDEN RULE
Numerous parallels to the Grolden Rule of Matt. 7, 12 and Luke 0,
31 have been found in various writers.^ Most of these are Jewish or
Christian, but some of them are far remote in time and place from
1 Cf. Wettstem, Nomm TBHamenhm^ i, pp. $41 f.; A. Beich, in TexU vnd Unter^
svekungen, x (1887), 8, pp. 80 f.; G. BeMh, ihid., xrriu (1905), 8, pp. 182 ff.; Hemrid,
BdMlge ntr Oe$ekiekU und ErUdnrng de$ Ntum TettamentM^ iii (1005), pp. 85 ff.; and
PhKNrt, De Btfryrwie (1914), pp. 158 f. To the paasBgiet cited in tbeseworicf maybe
added the foUowing: Mahabharaia^ xii, 259, 90: Quod quiq^iam non vult sibi ab aliis
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194 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Judaism and Chrutianity. Sometimes the precept is put in the posi-
tive form and sometimes in the negative, more frequently in the latter.
A Syriac paralld, particularly interesting because it combines the
two forms, seems to have been hitherto overlooked. It occurs in the
philosophical dialogue entitled The Book of the Laws of the Countriei^
and is as follows: ''For there are two commandments set before us,
which are meet and right for free-will: one, that we should depart
from everything that is evil and we hate to have done to ourselves;
and the other, that we should do whatever is good and we love, and
are pleased to have it done so also to ourselves." '
The Book of the Laws of the Countries is traditionally ascribed to
Bardesanes, but is really the work of one of his disciples, who probably
wrote in the early part of the third century after Christ. The author
may have read, in Syriac or in Greek, a text of Acts 1 5, 20 or 29 having
the Grolden Rule in the negative form after the prohibitions, and com-
bined this with the positive form found in Matt. 7, 12 and Luke 6,
SI. Ephrem's commentary on Acts 15, 29 is based on a text similar
to that attested by D 25 29 etc., sah^ eyr. hl.^ lien, int., Cyp. Barde-
sanes may have thought of the positive and negative forms of the
Golden Rule as constituting ''the perfect law of freedom*' mentioned
in James 1, 25.
Christian scholars are wont to dwell upon the si^>eriority of the
positive form, whilst Jewish writers either prefer the latter ' or regard
the two as substantially equivalent. Thus Montefiore has "a feeling
that Hillel and Jesus meant pretty much the same thing." ^ Elbogen
thinks that Jesus derived the saying from Hillel through tradition^
and he finds no special merit in the positive form of statement.^ The
truth is that both forms of the precept are based on love to our fellow-
men (Lev. 19, 18), which according to AJdba as well as to Jesus is the
fundamental principle of conduct. On the negative side love " worketh
fieri ne ipse aliis faciat, quia scit quid odiotum sit Thales (Diog. La^t. i, 86):
'EpcoTffSds . . . tQs &p iptara koI ducatSraTa fiU»aaiiu» [I0iy] hh» d rots AXXoct
krvTiii&iuMy afml iiii dpQfUP. Ep. Aria. S 10^ (ed. We&dland) : *0 hk vbitoi 1it»&9 KtKAa,
fd/Tt 'Kby<f ftfyrt ifiytf lufiiva jccucorowir. Aphraates, DenumdraliUit zziii, 68 {Patr6iogia
Syriaea^ 1, ii, 189, II. 14 f.): "What you dislike when done to you do not do to your
fdlow." This is word for word the way in which Hillel is said to have summarised
the Law (Sabb. Sla); d. the Palestinian Targum on Lev. 19, 18; and Akiba in Aboth
de R. Nathan, c. 86 (ed. Schechter, Recension B, p. 87).
s Cureton, Spieiiegium Syriacum, p. 5; Pairologia Sjfriaca, 1^ ii, 551, U. 11 ff.
' Cf. e.g. Hirsch in The Jewish Eneifdapedia, vi, p. 88.
« Montefiore, The Synoptie Chepds, ii (1909), p. 550.
' Elbogen, Die Religioneaneehaiuungen der PharieHer (1904), p. 76.
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NOTES 195
not evil to the nei^boiur/'and hence it is the'*fu]fifanent of the Law."*
On the positive 8ide» as in Jesus' parable of the Good Samaritan, love
manifests itself in generosity and helpfulness to others. The negative
form of the commandment teaches men to be just, whereas the posi-
tive bids them to be generous.' The difference between justice and
generosity is well expressed by Wettstein: '*Iustus est, qui reddit
quod debet, quodque etiam ab invito per iudicem extorqueri poterat:
bonus sive b^ieficus, qui liberaliter dat, quod non debet.'' *
William H. P. Hatch
Tarn SFncoPAi* TnoLOCffCAL School
CaMBBOMS^ MASBb
"STRAIN OUT A GNAT AND ADORN A CAMEL"
In the late Professor Camden Cobem's useful book entitled The
New Archaeological Dieooveries and their Bearing upon the New Tedar
meat a section is devoted to Tatian's Harmony of the Gospels, and
on pages £05-£07 a list of its remarkable readings is given, according
to the Arabic text published by Ciasca. The list is misleading, for
many of the supposed examples of variation from the standard text
are not such in reality. Hamljm Hill's English translation, on which
Cobem relied, is not always correct, and the Arabic translator himself
was sometimes unf ortimate in his rendering of an ambiguous Syriac
word or phrase.
The singular reading quoted above, however, which is one of those
given in the list, is not to be laid to the charge of Professor Cobem or
of either translator, but is due to an extraordinary combination of
two transcriptional or typographical errors, which so far as I am
aware has not been observed by any one. Ciasca's Latin rendering
of Matt. 23, 24 (p. 71} has indeed *'camelum omanies.** His Arabic
text of the passage (p. 153} has the word yazdarunot which means
neither 'th^ adorn' nor anything else which could possibly be used
here. It is at once plain that the true reading was yasaraMna, 'they
swallow.' (I see that Rendel Harris, cited in Hill's translation, had
noted this, and doubtless other scholars have made the observation.}
Ciasca, however, must have read the word correctly, for his ^omantee*
* Rom. 18, 10.
* So also Bnioe in The Expoaitof^s Oreek TeiUmeiU, Tth ed., i, p. 182.
* Wettsteizi, op, »<., ii, p. 48.
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196 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
can only be a miswriting, or misprint, of the word wnanUs^ *swallow-
ing/ This coincidence of two tyix)graphical slips» the one in the text
and the other in the rendering of the same word» could not easily be
paralleled.
Chables C. Tobbet
Yalb UNimsiTr
Nsw Havsn, Conn.
FROM ABRAHAM TO DAVID, FOURTEEN
GENERATIONS
In a note on Matt. 1» 17 in the January number of this Review, I
remarked that to squeeze the fourteen generations from Abraham to
David into a period of four hundred and ninely years it was necessary
to ignore the biblical chronology^ which demands nearly twice as long.
Professor Louis Ginzberg has suggested another possible explanation.
In Yebamot 64b» Rabbah (b. Abuha), a Babylonian teacher of the
third century, observes that it was in the days of David that the
years of a man's life were first reduced to sevenly (Psalm 90, 10).
This inference from the Psalm might have been drawn at any time;
and if it was current in the circle from which the genealogy of Jesus
in Matthew comes, the author may not have applied his thirty-five
year scheme to the generations before David.
Geobob F. Moobb
Cakbbidoi^ Mass.
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BOOKS RECEIVED
Fbom Attthoritt to Fbbkdom. Bbing the Lifb PiiiQBiMAaB OF Chableb
Haboboye. By L, P. Jacks. Lcmdon: Wflliams and Norgate. 1920.
Pp. yiii, 884. 12^. 6d. net.
A Habmont of thb Synoptic Gospeus in Greek. By Ernest DeW. Burton
and Edgcar J. Ooodspeed. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
1920. Pp.zxx,816. SS.OOnet.
The PmiiOflOPHT of Don Habdai Cbbbcas. (Columbia University Oriental
Studies.) By Meyer Waxman. New York: Columbia University F^ress.
1920. Pp.xii, 162. SI. 75 net.
The Wayb of the Gods. By Algernon Sidney Crapeey. New York: The
Ihtemational Press. 1920. Pp. xviii» 406.
The Chbibtian Pbeacheb. By A. E, Oarvie. New York: Charles Scrib-
ner's Sons. 1921. Pp. xviii, 490. <8.50 net.
A Seuoion fob the New Dat. By Charles F. Dole. New York: B. W.
Huebflch, Inc. 1920. Pp. xi, 297.
Ambbican Red Cbosb Wobk among the Fbench People. By Fisher Ames,
Jr. New York: The MacMillan Company. 1921. Pp. xiv, 178.
Dab Zeuqnib deb Apobteuseschichte von Chbibtub und das beugiObb
Denken in Indien. (Arbeiten zur Missionswissenschalt.) Von Riehard
FHUieh. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung. 1918. Pp. 74.
Sfii*
Die Pfingstersahlung und das Pfingstebeignib. (Arbeiten zur Be-
ligionsgeschichte des Urchristentums.) Von Karl Ludmg SehmUdl.
Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung. 1919. Pp. 86.
Deb Galatebbbief. (Das Neue Testament schallanalytisch untersucht.)
Von Wolf gang Sehanze, Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche BuchhancUung.
1919. P^. zvi, 12. Im. 252;f.
Ubchbibtentum I7ND Gegenwabt. Von Johannes Leipoldl, Hermhut:
Gustav Winter. 1920. Pp.82. 2m.
Die Hermeb-Mybtik itnd dab Neue Testament. (Arbeiten zur Religions-
geschidbte des Urchristentums.) Von C. F. Oeorg Heinrici. Heraus-
gegeben von Ernst von Dobschtttz. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buch-
handlung. 1918. Pp. zxii, 242. 10m. 80^.
Indische EblSsunqslehben. Ihre Bedeutung fUr das Verstfindnis des
Christentums und fUr die Missionspredigt. (Arbeiten zur Missionswis-
senschalt.) Von B. W, Sehomems. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buch-
handlung. 1919. Pp. viii, 282. 18m. 50^.
Rabbinica. Paulus im Talmud. Die '"Macht" auf dem Haupte. Runde
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BTEU/r. (Arbeiten zur Missionswissenschaft.) Von Patd Leeertqff,
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50pf.
*'Vebbum Domini." Commentarii de Re Biblica onmibus Sacerdotibus ac-
conmiodati a Pontificio Biblico singulis mensis editi. Rome. Vol. i,
Fasc. 1, Jan. 192L Pp.82.
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Andover Theological Seminaiy
Gmbiidge, Massachusetts
AFHUATED WITH HARVARD UNIVERSITY
A professional training-school for Christian Ministers, with a
three years' course of study leading to the degree of Bachelor of
Divinity. Courses in all departments of Theology, with liberal
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HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
VouTMB XIV JULY, 1921 Numbbb 8
CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM
GEORGE FOOT MOOBE
Habtabd UnIVSB8ITT
I. To THE End op the Eiohteenth Centuby*
Christian interest in Jewish literature has always been apolo-
getic or polemic rather than historical. The writers of the New
Testament set themselves to demonstrate from the Scriptures
that Jesus was the expected Messiah by showing that his
nativity, his teaching and miracles, the rejection of him by his
people, his death, resiurection, and ascension, were minutely
foretold in prophecy, the exact fulfilment of which in so many
particulars was conclusive proof of the truth of his claims, and
left no room to doubt that his own prediction would be ful-
filled in the speedy coming of the Son of Man to judgment, as
Daniel had seen him in his vision. In the Pauline Epistles and
Hebrews and in the Gospel according to John the aim is not so
much to prove that Jesus was the Messiah of Jewish expecta-
tion as that the Lord Jesus Christ, in whom Christians believed
that they had salvation from their sins and the assurance of a
blessed immortality, was a divine being, the Son of God, the
Word of God incarnate; and this higher faith also sought its
evidence in the Scriptures. The apologetic of the following
centuries, especially that which addresses itself to Jewish ob-
jections, has the same chief topics: Jesus was the Christ
(Messiah), and Christ is a divine being. Others, which also have
their antecedents in the New Testament, are accessory to these,
* The following pages aie not meant to be a history of the literature or even an in-
troduction to it. The author's aim has been to show the influences which have de»
termined its character in successive periods and to illustrate these stages by certain
outstanding works, laying thus the foundation for a critical examination of modem
representations of Judaism to which the second part of this study is devoted.
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198 HAEVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
particularly the emandpation of Christians from the Mosaic
law> or the annulment of the dispensation of law altogether, or
the substitution of the new law of Christ; the repudiation of
the Jewish people by God for their rejection of Christ, and the
succession of the church, the true Israel, the people of God, to
all the prerogatives and promises once given to the Jews.
The volume of anti- Judaic apology still extant or known to
us through titles and quotations is considerable.^ The earliest,
a discussion between Jason, a Jewish Christian, and an Alexan-
drian Jew called Papiscus, written probably not long after the
Jewish revolt under Hadrian and attributed to Ariston of Pella,
is lost. Not much later comes the best known of the Greek
apologies of this type, Justin Martyr's Dialogue with the Jew
Trypho. The literary form of dialogue was chosen because it
enabled the writers to combat Jewish objections as well as to
develop their own argument in the way best adapted to their
purpose. No doubt there was abundance of real controversy
between Jews and Christians, through which the apologists
were acquainted with the points of their opponents' argument,
but in the apologies the Jewish disputant is a man of straw,
who raises his difficulties and makes objections only to give
the Christian opportunity to show how easily they are resolved
or refuted, while in the end the Jew is made to admit himself
vanquished. This of itself shows that the authors did not write
to convert Jews but to edify Christians, possibly also to con-
vince Grentiles wavering between the rival propaganda of the
synagogue and the church. The argument for the divinity of
Christ turns largely upon the theophanies of the Old Testa-
ment and the appearances of the Angel of the Lord, in which
Philo had already recognized the manifestation of a divine
being, the Logos, distinct from the transcendent Supreme God.
Of Latin apologies the most noteworthy is TertuUian Adversus
Judaeos. The occasion of the work, the author tells us, was a
protracted discussion between a Christian and a convert to
^ The most recent oonspectus of this branch of Christian apologetic down to the
fifth century, with the modem literature, will be found in Juster, Les Juif 8 dans I'Em-
pire Romain (1914), i, 53-76. For a general survey of the whole field reference may
be made to L. Blau, 'Polemics and Polemical literature,' Jewish Encyclopedia, z,
1(»-109.
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 199
Judaism; but the argument is not conducted in the form of
disputation.'
All the early apologies have much in common both in the
topics and in the scriptures adduced. Later authors undoubt-
edly made free use of their predecessors, and collections of loca
probantia from the Old Testament were made expressly for the
use of controversialists. The argument is purely biblical; the
interpretation, in large part symbolical or allegorical, is fixed
in a tradition and repeated by one after another. There is
more reality in the homilies of Aphraates directed against the
Jews and in Chrysostom's sermons Adversus Judaeos. In the
former we see that an aggressive Jewish polemic in the Persian
Empire made necessary a vigorous defense, and in the latter
that many Christians in Antioch were so strongly attracted by
Jewish festivals and other ceremonies, especially by the great
fast of the Day of Atonement, as to arouse apprehension that
their Judaizing predispositions might carry them farther than
the spectacular. The last important representative of the
older species of apologetic is Isidore of Seville, Defide cathoKca
ex Veteri et Nooo TeHamento contra Judaeoa. The first book sets
forth the catholic doctrine of the Person of Christ, the Son of
God begotten of the Father ante aaecida ineffabUiter; Christ
deus et dominus; the Trinity; the incarnation, passion, resur-
rection, and ascension. In the second book the author deals
with the rejection of the Jews and the passing of the gospel to
the Gentiles, the abrogation of the Old Testament with all its
institutions, and the establishment of the New with its sacra-
ments. Isidore thus sums up and systematizes the Latin
apologetic which he transmits to the early Middle Age, fun-
damentally doctrinal and still strictly biblical.
Of early Jewish apologetic and polemic we have hardly any
knowledge except what is narrated in the Talmud of Palestinian
Rabbis, chiefly of the third and early fourth centuries, who
engaged in discussion with Catholic Christians about points of
* Joseph Scaliger's estimate of these apologies is not unfair: Judaei hodie cum dis-
putant, sunt subtiles. Justinua Martyr quam misere contra IVyphonem scripsit, et
TertullianusI Debet esse valde peritus Judaism!, qui Judaeos volet reprehendere et
refutare. (Quoted by Wagenseil, p. 89.)
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200 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
interpretation, or controverted the doctrines of the church,
particularly about the person of Christ.' The objections which
are hereditary in the Christian apologies bear no mark of deri-
vation from Jewish writings. That there were such in the sec-
ond century is intrinsically probable, and it is possible that
Celsus drew upon them in his True Account. More than this
cannot safely be said; of a Jewish literature in Greek or Latin
there is from that time on no trace. After Christianity became
the established religion of the Empire and the conversion of
Christians to Judaism was made a high crime, writings directed
against the church and its doctrines or intended to make prop-
aganda for Judaism are not likely to have been numerous. The
situation was different in the Persian Empire, as we have seen
in the case of Aphraates, and after the Arab conquest in the
countries under Moslem rule, where Jews and Christians were
upon an equal footing and some of the Caliphs were enter-
tained at court by discussions of the merits of the three re-
ligions; but there Christian apologetic had a more urgent task
in defense against attacks from the Moslem side.
In the Oriental revival of learning, in which the Jews had an
active part, scholars arose among them who were well ac-
quainted with the New Testament and the intricacies of
Christian doctrine. The controversies of the tenth century
between Rabbanite and Karaite Jews presently led both to
include Christianity and Islam in their apologetic. Saadia
(d. 942), the protagonist of the orthodox and the first to under-
take a systematic exposition and defense of Jewish theology,
disputes not only the Christian arguments to prove that Jesus
was the Messiah, particularly that drawn from Daniel 9, 24-
27, but the doctrines of the Trinity and the Person of Christ,
on the last of which topics he specifies four distinct theories,
including the most recent. His contemporary, the Karaite
Kirkisani, sets the belief and teaching of the immediate dis-
ciples of Jesus in contrast to the doctrines of the church; ac-
cording to him it was Paul who was the author of the doctrine
' Some illustratioiu are given by Blau in the Jewish Encyclopedia, z, 108; see also
Bacher, Die Agada der PalMstinenaiachen Amoriler» i, 555 f. (Simhu); iL 115-118
(Abahu); and the indexes under 'Christen, Chri^tenthunL'
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 201
of the Trinity and the divine Sonship. In general it may be
said that the Jewish apologists of the following centuries not
only endeavor to refute the Christian arguments drawn from
the Old Testament, but carry the controversy over into their
opponents' territory by criticism of both the New Testament
and the dogmas of the church.
In the following period the intellectual hegemony of the
Moslem world passed to the West, where learning and science
were eagerly cultivated, and philosophy engaged some of the
best minds. The Jews participated in this movement, and in
all spheres some of them stood in the front rank. There was
much discussion among the adherents of the three religions
which divided among them the mixed populations of the
Iberian peninsula concerning the foundations of their respec-
tive faiths and the truth of their doctrines. When Christians
entered into such controversy with Jews they were in a very
different position from their apologetic predecessors. They had
to deal, not with fictitious opponents, but with real antagonists
who stoutly defended themselves and struck back hard. More-
over, the defenders of Judaism now compelled their adversaries
to meet them in the biblical argument on the ground of the
Hebrew Scriptures, not of a disputable Greek or Latin version.
They had not only a traditional knowledge of the language but,
following in the footsteps of the Arab philologists, had made
serviceable Hebrew grammars and dictionaries; they possessed
commentaries on the Old Testament in which the text was
interpreted on a sound philological method and frequently
with historical and critical insight, and they distinguished
clearly between the literal sense and homiletic improvements.
They were learned also in the traditions of Judaism preserved
in Talmud and Midrash," and in its normative teaching and
practice. They defined and systematized its beliefs and doc-
trinal tenets, harmonized them with Scripture and philosophy,
and undertook to prove them both by authority and reason.
Christian controversialists, if they were not henceforth to
beat the air, were thus put under the necessity of knowing
Jewish literatiu^, ancient as well as modem. It did them no
good to assert their interpretation of their Old Testament
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202 HABVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
proof-texts; they had to denumsbrate it. One of the most
eflPective ways to do this was to show that their interpretation,
though denied by contemporary opponents, had the support of
ancient tradition — Targum, Talmud, Midrash — whose au-
thority the Jews could not dispute, or that it was conceded by
more recent Jewish exegetes of high repute. Thus to array the
ancients against the modems, is, as we shall see, a favorite
piece of tactics in this new style of apologetic. Whatever its
value otherwise, it had at least one good result — it 1^ to a
much more zealous and assiduous study of Judaism than any
purely scientific interest would have inspired. Converted Jews
naturally made themselves serviceable in this new apologetic;
they brought the knowledge with them, and in defending their
new faith or assailing the old they were excusing their own
apostasy and giving proof of a sincerity which was often sus-
pected by both sides.
The earliest of this type which has been preserved is the
Dialogue of Petrus Alfonsi (died 1110), physician to King
Alfonso VI of Castile, who stood sponsor at his baptism (1106)
— hence the name, "Alfonso's Peter." In his new character of
Peter the Christian, the author confutes and eventually con-
verts himself in his former quality of Moses the Jew. The
argument is chiefly philosophical and biblical; Jewish lore is
brought in principally by way of exposing to ridicule the ab-
surdities of the Haggada, particularly its anthropomorphisms.
Only rarely (e.g. on Gen. 49, 10) is Jewish interpretation
alleged in confirmation of Christian.
Converts became more numerous in the thirteenth century.*
As the Christian kingdoms grew stronger and more secure, the
policy of the government became more consistently unfavor-
able to the Jews, and the Church promoted these measures.
At the same time the missionary efforts of the Dominican
friars, whom Gregory IX (1227-1241) had particularly charged
with this work, were prosecuted with persistent and well-
directed zeal. Raymund de Pennaforte (died January, 1276),
the general of the order, sought to win Mbslems and Jews to
the catholic faith by conviction rather than to force them into
^ See bdow, note 81.
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM «0S
the church by persecution, and to this end established a college
in which promising members of the order selected for the task
studied the Arabic, Hebrew, and Aramaic languages, the Mos-
lem and Jewish Scriptures, and their philosophical and theologi-
cal literature. Among these students was Raimundus Martini,
whose Pugio Fidei is the great monument of this endeavor.
Of his life, a large part of which was passed in a convent of his
order in Barcelona, little is chronicled. In 1264, in the sequel
of the disputation at Barcelona in the preceding year before
King James I of Aragon between the convert Pablo Christiani
and Rabbi Moses ben Nahmon,* Martini was one of a com-
mission appointed by the King to examine Jewish books, with
instructions to expunge passages injurious to Christ or the
Virgin Mary. He had thus the best imaginable opp<»*tunity
to become acquainted with Jewish literatiu^ of all periods down
to his own day, and to acquire copies. For the rest, we know
that in 1278 he was in the midst of the second of the three parts
into which his work is divided (11. z. 2, p. S16),* and that he
was still living in 1284.
The first of the three parts of the Pugio is a refutation of the
errors of the philosophers, that is chiefly the Arab Aristo-
telians, whose three fimdamental errors are that the world is
eternal, that God's knowledge does not embrace particulars,
and that there will never be a resurrection of the body. In
these chapters he shows himself familiar with the Moslem
authors and Arabic translations of the Greeks. Averroes, as
might be supposed, is the most obnoxious of the philosophers;
Algazel a welcome ally.
The second and third parts have to do with the Jews. In the
former the proofs that the Messiah is already come are mar-
shalled, and the contrary arguments of the Jews are combatted.
The third part has three subdivisions (disHnctiones). The first
* An account of this discuasbn, written by R. Moses ben Nahman, may be found
in Wagensei], Tda ignea Satanae. The three subjects appointed to be debated were:
Whether the Messiah has already appeared; Whether the Messiah of the prophets was
divine or human; Whether Judaism or Christianity is the true religion. In the report
we have, the controversy ends with the Trinity.
* The year 1278 is often given inexactly as the year of the completion of the whole
work.
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204 HABVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
deals with the unity of God and the distinction of persons in
the Godhead; the second with man, the fall and its conse-
quences; the third may be denominated Christology, closing
with chapters on the rejection of the Jews and the ultimate
conversion of the remnant. In the argument addressed to the
Jews, Martini meets them on the ground of the Hebrew Bible,
and quotes extensively from Jewish authorities. His quota-
tions are given at large in the original, with exact references
according to the method in use in his time, accompanied by a
Latin translation and interpretation. The range of his learn-
ing is very wide; he quotes the Targums, both Talmuds, the
Seder 01am, the various Midrashim which are conunonly
called Rabboth, the Midrash on Psalms, the M ekilta on Exo-
dus, and others. Of conunentators he uses Rashi (d. 1105),
Ibn Ezra (d. 1167), David Kimchi (d. 1235), and his own con-
temporary R. Moses ben Nahman, and frequently cites the
Moreh Nebukim of Maimonides (d. 1204). Some of the works
from which he drew have perished and are known only through
his excerpts; one such from which he frequently quotes was
the Bereshith Rabbah attributed to R. Moses ha-Darshan,
who flourished in Narbonne in the middle of the eleventh
century.^ Mention may be made further of extracts from Josip-
pon, and the Toledoth Yeshua. It is important to observe, on
the other hand, that the Pugio contains no quotations from
the Zohar or other cabalistic works. The Cabala had, in fact,
made little headway in Spain against the ciurent of Aristote-
lianism when Martini wrote, though Azriel, who is regarded as
the founder of the speculative Cabala, belonged to the genera-
tion before him and Moses ben Nahman, who is said to have
been inducted into the Cabala by Azriel, was his contemporary.
The Pugio is a controversial work, and the manners of serious
theological controversy, one observes, are seldom perfectly
' The texts as Martini quotes them sometimes differ materially from the manu-
scripts and printed editions in our hands, and his good faith has consequently been
called in question. Where the text has really been tampered with in Christian interest,
it is more likely that the copies he used had been interpolated by Jewish converts than
that he falsified them himself. The judgment of recent Jewish critics is in general
favorable to his honesty.
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 205
urbane; but it was composed for the purpose of converting
Jews, not of vilifying them, and compared with much more re-
cent anti-Judaic polemic it might almost be called gentlemanly,
notwithstanding the suggestion of the assassin in the title. Biit
its proper praise is that it is a genuine work of learning. In an
order like the Dominicans, which counted among its members
numerous Jewish converts, some of them men of rabbinical
education, there were great possibilities of cooperative scholar-
ship, and it is probable that Martini availed himself of them;
but whatever assistance he may have had in gathering his
material, it is evident that he had made it completely his own.
The Pugio is not merely remarkable as a first enterprise; it
still remains within its scope an admirable monument of erudi-
tion. A large part of what today constitutes the conunon stock
of references in this field derives ultimately from Martini,
though the soiurce has long been forgotten, and not infrequently
the references have got wrong in the long chain of borrowers
borrowing from borrowers. Some characteristic examples of
this will be given further on. In recent books the Pugio has a
traditional place in the bibliography, but of first hand knowl-
edge of it there is seldom any evidence.
Martini's work, in three great volumes, was in another sense
too monumental. Copies of it are not, and probably never were,
numerous. References to it in the following centuries are in-
frequent. Very early, however, a good deal of its contents was
transferred to the pages of a handier book, the Victoria of
Porchetus de Salvaticis, completed in 1808. The author, a
Carthusian, native of Genoa, explains in the introduction that
he names his work Victoria, eo quod "per eum Jtidaei facile con-
vincunhiTj ac eorum conscientiae non modicum penetrantur. He
acknowledges his obligation to Raymund Martini, a quo sumpsi
hujus libelli mxtteriam in plerisque compilandi. The long ex-
tracts from the rabbinical soiu*ces in the original Hebrew are
omitted, and much besides which Porchetus evidently did not
regard as essential to his purpose. On the other hand, Por-
chetus not infrequently introduces de suo matter not found in
the Pugio, for example, a discussion of the pronunciation of the
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206 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Tetragrammaton (Johouah).^ Porchetus's Victoria was printed
in Paris in 1520 under the editorial direction of A. Giustiniani,
the first professor of Hebrew and Arabic in the university of
Paris.* It evidently had considerable circulation in its day;
it is quoted, for example, by Luther, who in fact translated from
it passages of some length in his pamphlet, Vom Schem Hame-^
pharos und vom OescKUchi Christie appended in the collective
editions to his Von den Juden und ihren Liigen (both of the
year 164S).
Two years before Giustiniani printed the Victoria, Petrus
Galatinus, a Franciscan, with the encouragement of Pope
Leo X and the Emperor Maximilian, published a folio volume
under the title, De arcanis catholicae veritcOis^^^ the immediate
motive of which was to support Reuchlin in his strife with the
Dominicans about the books of the Jews ^^ by showing that the
distinctive doctrines of Christianity can be proved from these
same books. The argument is conducted in the form of a dis-
cussion in which Reuchlin (Capnio), Hoogstraaten (Prior of
the Dominicans in Cologne), and Galatinus himself take part;
Galatinus being the chief speaker, Reuchlin the interrogator,
who humbly sits at the feet of Galatinus, Hoogstraaten an oc-
casional objector.
The resemblances between Galatinus and Porchetus were
early remarked in a sense uncomplimentary tt> the former,^* but
it was left for Joseph Scaliger to discover that the De Arcanis
was an enormous plagiarism from the Pugio, a manuscript of
' On the pronunciation Johouah in Porchetus, see my Notes in The American
Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, xxviii (October 1912), pp. 55-57, and
on Luther's use of Porchetus, i6uf., pp. 60 f .
* See Appendix, p. 854.
^^ See Appendix, p. 254.
^^ The Dominicans, instigated by a baptised Jew named PfefferiEom, had got from
the emperor in 1508 an edict that the Jews should deliver all their books to be examined,
and that such as contained things injurious to the Christian religion should be burned.
The emperor was induced to reconsider this action, and called upon Reuchlin for an
expert opinion as a Hebraist and a jurist. In his report Reuchlin distinguished seven
classes of Jewish books, of which at the outside only one, such scandalous writings as
the Toledoth Jeshua, and direct attacks on Christianity like the Ni^^ahon, merited
destruction. Thereupon he himself became the object of a venomous attack.
" E.g. by Jean Morin, Exerdtationes Biblicae, lib. i, exerc. 1, c 1 (p. 9 f.), 1660.
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 207
which he had seen twenty years before in a library in Toulouse.**
In fact, though the plan and disposition are different, most of
the learning in the Arcana was conveyed direct from Martini,
The critical comparison made by the Dominican editors of the
Pugio a half century later gave an exhaustive demonstration
of the Franciscan's fraud; the long annals of literary theft
record no more egregious case. The numerous material addi-
tions in Galatinus are chiefly cabalistic, derived from the Zohar
and other supposititious writings of Simeon ben Yohai. He
also quotes frequently from a work called Oale Rasma (Re-
vealer of Mysteries) which professed to have for its author no
less a person than R. Judah ha-Kadosh. Though more than
one book bearing the same title (from Dan. 2, 29) is recorded
by bibliographers, Galatinus's is none of them, and it has even
been suspected that the alleged quotations from it were a pure
fabrication of Galatinus himself, who was presumably as
capable of inventing fictitious sources as of concealing real
ones.^^ The suspicion does him no injustice, though it perhaps
overrates his creative imagination, but in this case it is
erroneous. The real author was Pablo de Heredia (d. 1486),
a Spanish Jew, who signalized his conversion to Christianity
by a series of impudent forgeries."
Large as was Galatinus's surreptitious conveyance of learn-
ing from the Pugio, the purpose and plan of the Arcana are
very di£Ferent. The primary object of Galatinus, as has been
already remarked, was to uphold the cause of Reuchlin against
the Dominicans; Hoogstraaten is throughout the opponent
whose attack on the whole Jewish literature is to be repelled.
Galatinus does not, however, confine himself to that task.
When he takes upon him to prove in long discussion (Book vii)
the immaculate conception of the Virgin Mary against Hoog-
straaten and Hoogstraaten's authority, Aquinas, he is prose-
cuting the long-standing controversy of his order with the Do-
" In letters to Casaubon, August, 1603, May, 1604; see Carpsov's edition of the
Pugio, pp. 106 f. Scaliger erroneously supposed that the author was Raymundus
Sebon.
^< Morin broadly hints as much; and a half century earlier the elder Buxtorf wrote:
Galatino saepissime hie liber laudatus ^ citatus, de cujus fide multi dubitant.
^* A note on Heredia's fabrications wiU appear in another number of the Review.
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208 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
minicansy and his occasional quotations from (spurious) Jew-
ish writings hardly suffice for a pretext. In the two centuries
and more between Martini and Galatinus both Christian theol-
ogy and Jewish polemic had brought new points into promi-
nence, as may be seen in the chapters on the Mother of the
Messiah. The Arcana is adapted to a new situation.
Galatinus's Arcana was several times reprinted (Basel 1591»
Frankfurt 160S, 1612, 1672), and many who came after him
derived much of their learning directly or indirectly from it.
The Fugio itself was first printed in 1651.^* It had waited
long, but had the good fortune at last to fall int6 hands worthy
of the task. The names of those who in different ways en-
couraged or furthered the enterprise are recorded on the title-
page, and their respective parts in it defined in the ample
prefatory matter. The principal editor, Joseph Voisin," not
only collated four manuscripts for the text, but appended to
the several chapters of the second and third parts Observor-
tiones containing additional quotations from the sources em-
ployed by Martini and from later authors, including some from
the Zohar and cabalistic commentators such as Behai, notes
on differences between the text of the Talmud and other books
as adduced in the Fugio and the current printed editions —
differences in part accounted for by the subsequent activities
of the censorship — and the like. To Martini's Proemium
Voisin attached, at a length of nearly a hundred and fifty f olios»
prolegomena, treating first of the Lex nan scripta and the
whole subject of Jewish tradition, including a complete analy-
sis of the Mishna; the thirteen norms of halakic deduction;
on the Talmuds, Midrashim, and commentators, with a short
chapter on the Cabala, etc. ; then of the Lex scripta and its con-
tents; the commandments, positive and negative; the divi-
sions of the Fentateuch; the rules for copying the Scriptures
and the defects which render a copy unfit for use; the disputed
question of the age of the vowel points; the canon, and the
authorship of the several books according to Jewish tradition;
on Hebrew poetry; the lections from the Frophets and the
>^» See Appendix, p. 254.
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 209
divisions {sedarim) of the prophetic books; the translations of
the Old Testament, etc. Particular note may be made of an
extensive collection of quotations from the Old Testament
(arranged in the order of their occurrence in the New) which
were interpreted by the Jews in a way similar to the interpre-
tation and application given them in the New Testament, and
rabbinical parallels to New Testament ideas and expressions —
a precursor, in a limited field, of the Horae Hebraicae of suc-
ceeding scholars.
Voisin's account of Jewish teaching and opinion is compiled,
with large quotations in Hebrew and translation, from the
best reputed authors, including Maimonides {Mishneh Torah
and Moreh), Joseph Albo (Ikkanm)^ Azariah de Rossi {Meor
Enajfim). The whole is a work of admirable learning, and a
most useful introduction to Martini. The greater part of it
might still be studied with profit by many who profess to write
on the subject in the light of 'Hhe attainment of modem re-
search*'; incidentally they might learn how a genuine scholar
does his work. Voisin's edition of the Fugio was reprinted in
Germany in 1687 imder the direction of Johann Benedict
Carpzov (the second of the name; died 1699), Professor in
Leipzig, who prefixed to it a long IntroducHo in Theologiam
Judaicam el lectionem Raimundi^ aliorumque id genus autorum.
The author's attitude toward his subject is illustrated by the
title of one of his subdivisions: Theologiae Judaicae modemae
AutoT principalis^ Saianas; Ministerialist Rabbini. Neverthe-
less — probably by some oversight of Satan — even in it, he
admits, there are vestiges of the true doctrine of the Old Testa-
ment which may be turned against the Jews; such were col-
lected in the Fugio, whose author, refutandam sibi caeteroqui
proposuU theologiam Judaicam modemorum, apostaiarum, re-
probatorumy excoecatorumy etc. It is this edition that is com-
monly in the hands of scholars; Voisin's is seldom found.
New and welcome sources were opened to Christian apolo-
gists in the Cabala, which purported to be an esoteric tradi-
tion of immemorial antiquity." The eccentric genius Ray-
mund Lull (died 1S15) was the first Christian sdiolar whose
^« Si9B L. Glnzberg, 'Cabalm' Jewish Enpyclopedia, ii, 456-179.
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210 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
writings give evidence of acquaintance with the Cabala, but
he employed his knowledge chiefly in his great scheme for a
new science. It was two centuries later before the vogue of the
Cabala in Christian circles began. Pico della Mirandola (died
1494) took it up with enthusiasm. He found in it a philosophy
which he easily identified with his own Neoplatonic ideas, com-
ing with the authority of revelation; it contained all the dis-
tinctive doctrines of Christianity: "The mystery of the Trin-
ity, the incarnation of the Word, the divinity of the Messiah,
original sin and its expiation through Christ, the heavenly
Jerusalem, the fall of demons, the orders of angels, purgatory,
and the punishment of hell.'' And all this in an esoteric
tradition which, preserved among the Jews for many centuries
orally, was reduced to writing by Ezra! It thus not only offered
confirmation of the Christian faith, but enabled its defenders
to confound the cavils of the Jews by the authority of their
own books: "There is hardly a point in controversy between
us and the Jews on which they cannot be so refuted out of the
books of the cabalists that there will not be a comer left for
them to hide in." " Reuchlin (died 1622), whose interest in
cabalistic studies had been awakened by Pico during a tem-
porary residence in Florence in 1490, entertained a similar esti-
mate of the Cabala, both the speculative and the practical
branches of which, in his view, centered in the doctrine of the
Messiah. Of Galatinus, what is necessary has been said above.
From this time on the Cabala has a prominent place in
Christian apologetic and anti-Judaic polemic, taking its place
beside, or before, the testimonies from the Targum, Talmud
and Midrash, and Jewish commentators and philosophers, such
as Raymund Martini had adduced. The first introduction of
Christian scholars to cabalistic literature was through recent
authors like Recanati (flor. ca. 1300), whose commentary on
the Pentateuch Pico della Mirandola translated into Latin, and
Bahya ben Asher (Behai; died 1840) ; but students soon found
their way to the Zohar, which passed for the highest authority
in this sphere. The Zohar, in form a Midrash on the Pentateuch,
professed to be the secret instruction imparted by R. Simeon
u De homiois digniUte (ed. Baad 150£), pp. 880 f .
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 211
ben Yohai to a select circle of disciples, Simeon himself having
received the doctrine by revelation. Whatever reservations
Christian scholars may have made on the point of Simeon's
inspiration, they did not doubt the age or the authenticity of
the Zohar; nor that in substance it perpetuated a tradition
much more ancient than the time of its reputed author, the
middle of the second century of our era. Indeed, the great
antiquity of the cabalistic tradition has been maintained by
some orthodox Protestant theologians as late as the middle of
the nineteenth century .'^ What could be accomplished in the
way of proving Christian dogmas from the Zohar is well exem-
plified by G. C. Sommer, Specimen Theologiae Soharicae cum
Christiana amice canvenieniis, exhibene articulorum fidei fundor
mentalium probationes, e Sohare^ . . • petitae, etc. (1784), in
which a complete system of orthodox Protestant doctrine,
formulated in twenty 'theses,' is established, article by article,
by loca probantia from the Zohar instead of the Bible, the ex-
tracts being duly exhibited in the original and translation,
with explanatory and illustrative commentary.
The exchange of polemics between Jews and Christians in-
creased in volume and violence in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, not alone in Spain, where converted Jews demon-
strated their zeal for their new faith by the vehemence with
which they impugned the old, and provoked equally vehement
replies, but in fVance and Germany.'^ The replies did not
restrict themselves to the defense of Judaism against its as-
sailants, or to a refutation by exegetical and historical argu-
ments of the Christian interpretation and application of the
Old Testament, or to disputing the doctrines of the church on
rational or philosophical groimds, but directed their criticism
against the Gospels and other books of the New Testament,
with which the authors show themselves well acquainted. An
indication of the temper in which some of them were written
is given by the title Nissahon^ * Triumph,' which more than
*o Notably Thohick and HengBtenberg.
^ The most promiaent of the Spanish converts were Abner of Burgos (Alfonso of
Valladolidt or of Burgos), died ca. 1850; Solomon ha-Levi of Burgos (Paul de Santa
Maria, or Paul ci Burgos), died 1845; Joshua ben Joseph ha-Lorki (Geronimo de
Santo Fe), body physician of Pope Benedict XIIL
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212 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
one of them bears, precisely as Porchetus had named his book
* Victoria.*
One of these Triumphs, the work of an unknown author who
appears to have lived in the Rhineland, perhaps at Speier, in
the thirteenth century," gives considerable space to an exami-
nation in detail of passages from the Gospels, beginning with
the genealogy of Jesus in Matt. 1, and its conflict with the
genealogy in Luke. The writer is familiar with the Vulgate,
whose words he frequently quotes in Latin (done into Hebrew
letters) and sometimes criticizes its renderings of the Old
Testament. Another work imder the same title was written by
R. Lipmann-Mtthlhausen, about the beginning of the fifteenth
century. Its author, who also was well acquainted with the
Latin Bible, offers a detailed refutation of Christianity, divided
into paragraphs, three hundred and forty-eight in number,
each of which begins with a passage from the Old Testament.
A compendious answer in poetical form to the Christian con-
tentions and a summary of Jewish polemic is prefixed. In the
Hizzuk Emunah of the Karaite Isaac Troki (died 1594),*' the
argument ranges over the whole of the New Testament, from
Matthew to Revelation, and is always on the offensive. The
polemic is of a completely modem type, and the change of the
times is evident also in the fact that the book was not only
widely circulated in the original Hebrew but was translated into
modem languages. The growing aggressiveness of the Jewish
controversialists was met in a like spirit by those who hastened
to defend Christianity and repel the calumnies of the Jews.
To expose these * calumnies* they printed the Jewish polemic
treatises with Latin translations, comments, and refutations,
thus ensuring their preservation and wider publicity, in the act
of exciting prejudice against the Jews.
Wagenseil, who published a thick volume of such texts (in-
cluding the Toledoth Jeshua) and replies, gave it the significant
title Tela ignea Satanae, The Fiery Darts of the Evil One
(1681). Wagenseil's principal 'Confutatio' is annexed to the
tt Commonly died as Nizzachon Vetus, to dktinguiBh it from the work of lip-
mann-MUhlhausen. Printed in WagenseiL
" Troki'fl work is also in WagenseiL
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 21S
little Carmen Memoriale prefixed to Lipmann's Nissahon.
The poem Itself, if printed solid, would hardly fill more than a
page or two; the reply occupies 41S pages in quarto. The
author takes up Lipmann's twelve issues of controversy —
chiefly Messianic — article by article and almost word by
word, going into detailed discussion especially of Messianic
prophecies, such as Gen. 49, 10 (63 pages), Isaiah 7, 14 (47
pages), etc., and incorporates long extracts from other authors,
e.g. Amyraldus on the proof of the Trinity from the Old Testa-
ment, Chrysostom on the vain attempts of the Jews to re-
build the temple in Jerusalem, a catalogue of false Messiahs
from the Shabheletk ka-Kabbalay several specimens of Jewish
synagogue sermons (in German), an epistolary altercation in
Hebrew between Rittangel (d. 1652) and a Jew, Jewish com-
putations of the time of the future advent of the Messiah, and
the like (also from the Shalsheleth ha-Kabbala). The Toledoth
Jeshua is also honored with a lengthy refutation; and the
volume closes with a Mantissa on the Seventy Weeks of Daniel,
directed against the recent interpretation of the English
scholar, John Marsham. Nor should the hundred pages of
formidably learned preliminaries be ignored.
Still more violent against the Jews and everything Jewish
is Eisenmenger's Erddecktes Jvdenthum (1700, 2 vols.). ** It is
a malignant book, if ever there was one, but it is doubtful
whether any man ever gave himself so much pains to gratify
his malignancy. The book describes itself, in a title-page as
long as a modem preface^ as a "'thorough and truthful account
of the way in which the hardened Jews horribly blaspheme and
dishonor the most holy Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,
defame the holy Mother of Christ, jeer and scoff at the New
Testament, the Evangelists and Apostles, the Christian religion,
and utterly despise and curse all Christian people," etc. The
author promises to expose, besides, the gross errors of Jewish
^ On the complaint of the Jews, this first edition of Eisenmenger's book was sup-
pressed by the emperor as prejudicial to public order (see Wolf, ii, 1024). It was re-
printed under the auspices of Frederick I, King of Prussia, and published in 1711, at
Ktfnigsberg (or Berlin; see Wolf as above), in two volumes quarto, together nearly
2200 pages. A facsimile iA the tiUe page and other information about the work will
be found in the Jewish Encyclopedia, v, 80 f .
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214 HAKVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
religion and theology, together with its ridiculous fables and
other absurdities — all this by extracts in their own words from
their own books, of which he had read through a great many,
"mit grosser Mlihe imd imverdrossenem Fleiss/' To give him
his due, he had read prodigiously. The annotated bibliography
of Hebrew books from which his quotations are taken, prefixed
to the first volume, fills more than fifteen quarto pages, besides
a page about writings in Jewish-German; it enumerates sub-
stantially all the works of any consequence that might have
been registered in a catalogue of Rabbinica et Judaica at the
end of the seventeenth century, and the extracts in the two
volumes prove that the bibliography is not a parade. His quo-
tations are given in Hebrew with a German translation and
exact references. Some of the chapters, especially in the second
volume, in which he undertakes to set forth the beliefs of the
Jews on such subjects as paradise, hell, angels, devils, the
Messiah, the duration of his reign and what comes after it, the
resurrection and judgment, though never losing sight of the
polemic intent, are more constructive presentations of Jewish
teaching, and contain a vast mass of quotations from literature
of all ages. For reference on particular topics the volumes are
furnished with ample and excellent analytical indexes.
The author shared with the scholars of his age, Jewish and
Christian, the belief in the antiquity and authority of the
Cabala, and quotes it extensively, especially in the writings of
its later representatives, including not only Luria and Cor-
dovero but the Yalkut Rubeni of his own contemporary Reu-
ben Hoshke (d. 1673). Eisenmenger is the notorious source of
almost every thing that has been written since his time in def-
amation of the Talmud or in derision of Jewish superstitions,
and abounds in accusation of all kinds of misdeeds perpetrated
against Christians, including the murder of children to use
their blood in unholy rites.** What modem writers retail about
the irreverence or childishness of the Jewish imagination of
God — for example, God as a Rabbi, studying and teaching
the law — comes ultimately from Eisenmenger, who fills sixty
pages with the like edifying matter. It is not so frequently
» VoLii,pp.«20ff.
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 215
recognized how deeply his successors have been indebted to the
less strident parts of his work; and, with all his prejudice,
what he adduces from the rabbinical sources is much more
trustworthy than the books on which recent scholars have
chiefly depended.
The Reformation gave a motive of its own to rabbinical
studies. Hitherto scholars had maintained the doctrines of the
Catholic Church against the Jews, or tried to convert Jews to
them, and in so doing strove to confirm the Christian interpre-
tation and application of the Old Testament by arraying on
their side the most highly reputed Jewish authorities against
the modem Jews. Protestants, on the other hand, in rejecting
the authority of the Church and its traditions, took upon
themselves to build up the entire edifice of Christian doctrine
upon a purely scriptural basis. They were thus under the
necessity of treating constructively various topics which had
long been issues in controversy with the Jews, and of correlat-
ing them to other parts of the system. A great deal of the old
material that had come down through centuries of polemics
was ready to their hand, but for the new use it had to be put
together in a new way; and when it came to be thus put to-
gether gaps were disclosed which had to be filled up. There was,
moreover, at many points a distinctively Protestant position to
be maintained against the Catholic interpretation and dogma.
To meet this need a multitude of monographs were written
which may be regarded as materials for Protestant dogmatics.
Like the Catholic works of the same period they illustrate the
progress that has been made since the close of the fifteenth
century in biblical philology, and the authors of many of them,
whether Lutheran or Reformed, were largely learned at first
hand in Jewish literature, both rabbinical and cabalistic. Their
use of this material is, from our point of view, uncritical, but
the collections are in some cases almost exhaustive so far as
the sources were at hand, and no one who today imdertakes a
study of the subjects they treated can afford to ignore them, or
can employ them without mingling admiration with gratitude.
Nor should we do justice tQ the literature of that age if we
failed to recognize in much of it, along with the dogmatic and
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216 HAKVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
polemic motive, the scholar's love of learning for its own sake,
above all its uses. This is still more conspicuous in the works
that deal not strictly with doctrine, but with religious and dvil
institutions in Bible times and later; with the temple, priest-
hood, cultus; the synagogue and its worship; with proselytes
to Judaism; or with civil government, the laws, courts, and
administration of justice; with marriage and divorce, educa-
tion, and many subjects beside, in most of which Maimonides'
Mishneh Torah with its commentaries served them admirably
for an introduction. The same spirit is manifest in works on
the topography of Palestine, on the zo3logy and botany of the
Bible, on its chronology, and the like, in all of which fidjds the
permanent monographs come from this period. A perennial
monument of the learning of that age is Surenhusius' edition
of the Mishna (1698-1703), in six folio volumes, with Latin
translation of the text and the most approved Jewish com-
mentaries, together with additional comments and notes by
Christian scholars, and extensive indexes, enabling the student
to acquaint himself directly with this primary legal authority.
Translations were also made of numerous treatises of the Tal-
mud, and of the ancient juristic Midrash. Many of these were
published, together with reprints of most of the seventeenth
century works on Jewish antiquities, in the enormous collec-
tion of Blaisio Ugolino, Thesaurus Antiquitatum Sacrarum, 34
volumes in folio, 1744-1769.
Rabbinical learning was put to a different use when it was
employed to elucidate or illustrate the New Testament. This
was often done sporadically in continuous commentaries, e.g.
by Grotius, and by Drusius in his Praeterita. Subsequently
works were composed which might be described as rabbinical
glosses on the New Testament, in which, generally without any
other commentary, single passages were annotated with per-
tinent quotation#from rabbinical sources. One of the earliest
of these was the MeUificium Hebraicum (1649) of Christopher
Cartwright," which glosses in this way not only the New Testa-
* Christoplier Cartwrigfat (ie02-1658) ia the author also of Electa Thaigumioo-
Babbimca» sive Annotationes in Exodum ex triplid Thargum seu Chaldaica paraphrasiy
1058. The MeUificium Hebraicum, seu Observationefl Diversunodae ex Hebraeorum»
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 217
ment but the Old Testament and the Apocrypha^ besides two
books (iv and v) of more miscellaneous adversaria. The second
and third books, on the New Testament, quote with especial
frequency parallels from the exegetical and homiletic Midra-
shim, particularly the Rabboth.
To the compilers of such glosses, as indeed to all who worked
in this field then or since, the elder Buxtorf 's Lexicon Chaldai"
cum Talmvdicum et Rabhinicum^ published by his son in 1640,
was of inestimable value. Based on the Aruk of R. Nathan ben
Jehiel of Rome (died 1106), but with much additional matter,
especially for the language of the Targums, in which he had a
predecessor in Elias Levita (Meturgeman^ 1541), and the He-
brew of mediaeval authors and conmientators; the Zohar also
is frequently dted. Some of the articles are virtual concord-
ances; he quotes, for example, all the occurrences of the word
'Messiah' in the Tai^ums. In view of the ingratitude of most
of the learned to the dictionaries which supply them with so
much of their learning, it enhances our respect for Cartwright
that he so often gives credit to Buxtorf , even when he supple-
ments the dictionary references or corrects them. The Melli-
ficium, which seems to be quite unknown to modem writers, is
a useful complement to Lightfoot and Schoettgen, because its
parallels are so largely drawn from the Palestinian Midrashim
in which the author had evidently read extensively. When it
is added that it covers not only the Gospels, but the Acts,
Epistles, and Revelation, sufficient reason has perhaps been
given for reviving the memory of the learned Christopher
Cartwright.
The best known work of this class is the Horas Hebraicae et
Talmudicae of John Lightfoot. Only the parts on the Gospels
and First Corinthians were published by the author; *' Acts
is posthumous, and Romans a fragment from Lightfoot's notes.
To each of the Grospels is prefixed a discussftfa of regions and
pnesertim antiquiorum, monumentu desumptae, mide phirima cum Veteria turn Novi
Testamenti loca vel czpficantur, vd flluatnuitiir etc^ waa printed in the Critid Sacri,
(London, 1600), ix, cob. 8948-812S. * ,
" The parts of Jtfghtfoot's Horae weie published separatdy, Matthew 1658, Biark
1068, 1 Corinthians 1064^ John 1671, Luke 1674, Acts and Romans, posthumously,
1678, by Richard Kidder.
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218 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
places named in the Gospel, particularly in the light of de-
scriptions or refer^ices in the Talmud, and these chon^p^phic
studies fill a considerable part of the volune — a partial pre-
cursor of the great work of Adrian Reland, Palaeglina ex numu^
mentU veteribus iUudrata (1714). Unlike Cartwright, Light-
foot's chief sources are the two Talmuds, with which he fre-
quently quotes Rashi and the Tosaphoth. Maamonides also is
(rften dted, and the commentators on the Old Testament; his
lexical authority is the Aruk. On points of especial interest the
glossarial method gives place to an excursus, sometimes of con-
siderable length, for example, on Jewish baptism, the sects,
synagogues, Sanhedrin, the Passover ritual, and the like.
Numerous obscurities in the Greek are cleared up by compari-
son with Hebrew or Aramaic idiom; a good example is the
wholly unintelligible 6^i Sk (ra/SjSdraiy, rg iTufKixncoiHrji As ijXw
(To/S/Sdro)!', j)X0€ Mopiai^ MaYJoXi/i^, ic.r.X. (Matt. 28.1). Some
modem commentators and critics might have made sense out
of the verse and understood its rdation to the parallels (Mark
16, 1; Luke 24, 1) if the horizon of their learning had been wide
enough to take in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.*"
The Home Hebraicae el Talmndicae in unwersum Naimm
Teetamentum of Christian Schoettgen (17SS), is described on
the title page and in the preface as a supplraient to Ughtf oot
on the Gospels, and for the rest of the New Testament a con-
tinuation of that scholar's unfinished work. Appended to the
volume are seven short dissertations on various topics, such as
the Kingdom of Heaven,** the celestial Jerusalem in Jewish
** See Schmiedel, Encyclopaedia Biblica, iv, col. 4041 f., cf. 4072; and on the pas-
sage, Moore in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, zzvi (1006), 3123-829.
** A slip of Schoettgen's in the first paragraph of the Dissertatio de Regno Coelorum
(i, 1147) is probably the origin of a misstatement which runs through a whole proces-
sion of New Testament lexicons and commentaries, namely that ij fiamkela tOp obpapQtf
in Matthew corresponds to D^DC^H ni3?D in rabbinical Hebrew. Schoettgen expressly
says so; but if the scholars who took his word for it had looked at the examples he
quotes in the following pages and elsewhere (on Matt. 11, 19, p. 115 f.), or at those
collected by Lightfoot on Matt. 8, 2, they would have discovered that the rabbinical
phrase is always D^DB^ TIDTD, which Lightfoot axrectly explained as by metonymy
for God. The solitary instance of D^Dt^il in Schoettgen (p. 116), 'Mechilta in Yalkut
Rubeni fol. 176, 4,' is an error either in Yalkut Rubeni (1660) or more probably in
Schoettgen himself; the Mekilta (Jethro, Par. 5, init. on Exod. 20, 2) has correctly
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 219
reiM-esentation, and on Christ the greatest of Rabbis. One of
them entitled ^De Exergasia Sacra/ observations on parallelism
in Hebrew style, is an interesting anticipation of Lowth's theory
of Hebrew poetry, published twenty years later. Schoettgen's
reading, according to his preface and a Conspectus Autorum
appended to it, was more extensive than Lightfoot's. He in*
eludes the Zohar (through Knorr von Rosenroth's Kabbala
Denudata), and several cabaUstic works, from Behai (Bahya
ben Asher) down to the Yalkut Rubeni. In 1742 Schoettgen
published a second volume, also under the title Horae Hebraicae
et Talmudicae, but with the more specific description, 'in
Theologiam Judaeorum dogmaticam antiquam et orthodoxam
de Messia.' This portly monograph of more than 700 pages in
quarto, with a pair of dissertations added, and an appendix
on rabbinical literature and other things, bringing the whole up
to a round thousand pages, is not, as the uninitiated reader
would gather from the title page, and as the author doubtless
in good faith believed, an exposition of the locus de Messia in
the * ancient and orthodox dogmatic theology of the Jews' —
something that never existed — but an attempt to prove that
the whole orthodox dogmatic Christology of the church was
held by the Jews at the beginning of our era and taught in their
ancient and authoritative books, exoteric as well as esoteric.
As in all similar demonstrations, the Cabala has to furnish
the evidence; and Schoettgen is so fully convinced of the Chris-
tianity of the Zohar that he sets himself seriously to prove that
its supposed author, R. Simeon ben Yohai, was himself a
Christian (pp. 901-917). This thesis was controverted by
Justus Glaesener (himself the author of a Theologia Soharica)
in a Diatribe reprinted in Schoettgen (pp. 918-9S5), to which
Schoettgen replies in defense his theory (ibid. pp. 985-949).
What did more lasting mischief than all this cabalistic Chris-
tianity in Schoettgen and others was the fact that upon its
presumptions the genuine rabbinical sources were interpreted
by the Cabala, with which they were assumed to be in com-
plete accord — only, as was natural in esoteric writings, inti-
mating its sublime doctrines more obscurely, and in language
the full meaning of which was comprehended only by those who
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220 HAKVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
had the cabalistic key. Since the middle of the last century
the Cabala has ceased to be quoted as an exponent of Jewish
teaching at the beginning of our era, but in more modem ex-
positions of this teaching — on the nature and office of the
so-called intermediaries in Jewish theology, for example — the
rabbinical texts in Targums, Talmud, and Midrash are still
interpreted in unconscious dependence on a cabalistic tradition.
One more volume, nearly contemporaneous with Schoettgen's
Horae, demands a brief mention, namely, Joh. Gerhard Meu-
schen. Novum Testamenbam ex Talmvde el ardiquiUd^bua He-
braeorum iUuetratum (17S6). This is a collection of writings,
partly inediUiy by several authors, Meuschen's own contribu-
tions being only the preface and a diatribe on the Nasi, or
Director of the great Sanhedrin. The first place in the volume
(pp. 1-282) is taken by Balthasar Scheid, PraeterUa Praeteri^
tofum^ illustrations of select passages in the New Testament,
chiefly from the Babylonian Talmud, somewhat resembUng
Lightfoot, but with fewer mere glosses, and in general with
fuller comment on the texts under consideration. At the be-
ginning, Scheid collects and remarks briefly on the Talmudic
passages in which there is mention of Jesus and his disciples,
an anticipation of which recent writers on the subject seem
not to be aware. Nearly 800 pages are occupied by disserta-
tions, programmes, etc., by Johann Andreas Danz (died 1727).
Danz was one of the foremost Hebraists of his age, and these
writings, when occasion requires, show him widely read also in
classical and patristic literature. Whatever subjects he takes
up are discussed with exhaustive thoroughness, whether it be
proselyte baptism in relation to the baptism of John, or the
law of to/to, or Jewish excommunication (to illustrate Matt.
18, 18), or the idea of redemption (1 Pet. 1, 18 f.). Particular
attention may be called to the series of programmes on the
Shekinah (on John 14, 28). Among the other contents of the
volume may be noted the controversy between Rhenf erd and
Witsius on the phrase 'the World to Come' in the Jewish
literature and the New Testament, the particular point at
issue being whether M3n xh\v is equivalent to the 'Days of
the Messiah,' which Rhenferd disproves.
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 221
Wettstein, in his edition of the New Testament (1761, 1752,
2 vols. foL)» subjoined to the text and critical apparatus a
commentarius plenior, illustrating ex scrvptoribus veleribus He"
braeiSf Graecis el Latinis historiam et vim verhomm. For the
illustrations from Greek and Latin authors, besides his own
reading, Wettstein availed himself of the ample accumula-
tions of such matter in commentators like Drusius, Grotius,
and others; those from the Talmud and other rabbinical sources
are derived chiefly from the works which have been describe4
above, especially from those in glossarial form such as Light-
foot and Schoettgen. It was chiefly in Wettstein's convenient
delectus, that these parallels and illustrations were used by
subsequent commentators and theologians, and passed into a
secondary tradition which in the course of repetition has for-
gotten its origins.
n. The Nineteenth Centukt to the Fbesent Time
The seventeenth century was the great age of Hebrew learn-
ing am<mg Christian scholars; it lasted on till toward the mid-
dle of the eighteenth and then abruptly ended. The works of
that period embody the results of earlier researches in Jewish
literature from Raymund Martini down, with large additions
accumulated by the labors of later generations, both in rabbinic
and cabalistic sources. To the apparatus then collected little
has been added since. When, after a long interruption, a few
scholars in the nineteenth century took up again the study of
Judaism it was with a different end and with a correspondingly
different method. These later authors would have desmbed
their aim as historical — to exhibit the beliefs and teachings of
Judaism in New Testament times or in the early centuries of
the Christian era. For this purpose they employed chiefly the
material that came down from their predecessors, without giv-
ing sufficient consideration to the fact that it had been gathered
for every conceivable motive except to serve as material for
the historian.
The apologetic selections were confined to certain topics of
Christian doctrine; a delectus of quotations made for a polemic
purpose is the last kind of a source to which a historian would
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222 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
go to get a just notion of what a religion really was to its ad-
herents. Moreover, apologetic and polemic are addressed to
contemporaries, and draw their proofs indifferently from past
and present; if they appeal to the past against the present, it
is the authority of antiquity they seek, not the history of
doctrine. It may be possible to order their selections from the
sources chronologically, and then to assign them to their proper
age, but not to supply from such collections those sides of the
religion which they ignore. The more constructive works, par-
ticularly of the seventeenth century, are contributions to
Christian — specifically Protestant — theology, to which the
exposition of Jewish teaching is incidental. The rabbinical
glosses to the New Testament, finally, were never intended to
represent the Judaism of New Testament times, but to illus-
trate passages in the Gospels and other books by parallels from
Jewish literature, in the same way in which Grotius and others
illustrate the same books and often the same passages by a
redundancy of quotations from Greek and Latin authors.
Least of all did Cartwright or Lightfoot and the rest dream
that their illustrations would be used by modems to explain the
origin of New Testament ideas. A striking example of such
misuse of their collections is given by a whole succession of
commentaries on 1 Cor. 15, 45, where it is said that the identi-
fication of the 'second Adam' with the Messiah was commonly
made by the Rabbis in Paul's time, from whom he had doubt-
less learned it. This probably got into the exegetical tradition
through Schoettgen, who gives (after Edzard) the reference
^Neve ScJudom fol. 160 a.' The author of the book cited died
in 1492, and no older reference has been adduced. It may be
presumed that Schoettgen was aware of the age of the work;
those who quote him seem to imagine that a book with a
Hebrew title must be as old as Paul.'^
The modem period in Christian studies of Judaism begins
with August Friedrich Gfroerer,'^ Oesckichte des Urckristen-
*<^ See my note in Journal of Biblical lateratuie, xvi (1807), 158-161; Fr. Schiele,
Zeitachrift fllr wiuenachaftliche Theologie zlii (1899), 20 ff.
*^ August Friedrich Gfroeier (180S-1861) studied theology in Tubingen. 1821-
1825, and was Repetent there in 1828. In 1830 he became librarian in Stuttgart, and
from 1846 was professor of history in the university of Freiburg in Baden.
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 223
ihumSy the first part of which, under the title, PhUo und die
alexandrinische Theasaphie, oder vom Einfiiisse der judischr
agyptischen Sckvle auf die Lekre des Neuen Testaments (2 vols.)»
appeared in 1831. This was followed by Das Jahrkundert des
Heils (2 vols. 1838); Die heilige Sage (on the Gospeb of Mat-
thew, Mark, and Luke, 2 vols); and Das Heiligtiium und die
Wahrheit (on the Gospel of John; all in 18S8). The sub-title
of his Philo propoimds the thesis of the whole work. The first
volume is an exposition of the philosophy and theology, or as
Gfroerer prefers to call it, *theosophy,* of Philo, which is of
independent and permanent worth; in the second he under-
takes to demonstrate, chiefly from the Apocrypha, that the
principal features of Philo's theology are much older than his
time and had long been current among the Alexandrian Jews,
and to show how this theosophy was transplanted to Palestine
through the Therapeutae, Essenes, and other sects. The two
volumes of the Jahrkundert des Heils (together nearly 900 pages)
might more descriptively be entitled The Theology of the
Palestinian Jews at the Beginning of the Christian Era. As we
have already seen, the author holds that this theology — -or at
least what, in distinction from popular notions, may be called
the higher theology — was nothing else than the Alexandrian
^theosophy,' which, early introduced in Palestine, had taken
firm root there and flourished greatly. The Cabala is a product
of the mystical philosophy of the Palestinian schools; but
Gfroerer was convinced that the same philosophy is repre-
sented in the Targums, and many passages in the Talmud
and Midrash.
In the preface Gfroerer acknowledges his indebtedness to
earlier scholars from Raymimd Martini down, naming among
others Surenhusius, Rhenferd, Voisin, and Eisenmenger, and
for the Cabala, Knorr von Rosenroth. Where translations of
Talmudic texts were accessible, he availed himself of them and
often quotes them in Latin. In his own reading in the Talmud
and Zohar he had the help of Jewish scholars, who served him
also in the collection of passages. Thus, without any pretence of
great rabbinical learning, Gfroerer was respectably equipped
for the task he set himself.
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224 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
In the first chapter he gives a suflScient account of the rab*
binical sources, discussing the age of the Talmud, and for the
dates of the rest following the then recent critical work of
Zunz.** It should be remarked that, notwithstanding his pre-
possessions about the antiquity of the cabalistic theosophy,
Gfroerer assigns the Zohar itself to the end of the thirteenth
century. He believed, however, that the theosophy of the
Zohar was far older than the book, which was only the literary
precipitate of a secular tradition; and when he found the same
ideas in Jewish writings from the first four centuries of our era,
he felt warranted in quoting the Zohar as a representative of
the ancient mystical doctrine of the Jews. It is a notable step
in advance that Gfroerer includes among the sources for Pales-
tinian Judaism in this period the writings collected by Fabricius
in the Codex Pseudepigraphus Veteris Teriamenii (1718), among
which are the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and the
Psalms of Solomon, and gives especial attention to the Apoc-
alypses, the Ethiopic Enoch and the Ascension of Isaiah,
which had recently been brought to light," and Fourth Esdras,
the origin and age of all of which he submits to a critical dis-
cussion. Ifi the heresies of Simon Magus and Elxai, and in the
Clementine Homilies and Recognitions, which he calls a Greek
Zohar, he finds further sources for the history of Jewish theol-
ogy, and cites many passages from the Fathers in attestation.
One of the results of this widening of the scope of the inquiry
is the discrimination of different types of Jewish doctrine con-
cerning the Messiah and the last things. One of these, drawn
from the Messianic prophecies of the Old Testament, he calls
the common prophetic type; the second is the Danielic type —
we should say the apocalyptic — the Messiah the Son of Man
who comes from heaven; the third is named the Mosaic type,
because the Messiah is conceived as the prophet like imto Moses
" Leopold Zunz, Die gottesdienstlicfaen Vortrilge der Juden historisch entwickelt.
1882.
^ The Ethiopic text of the AaoeDsion was edited, with Latin and English tranala-
tions, by Richard Laurence in 1810; the Latin translation was reprinted by Gfroerer
in IVophetae veteres psend^igraphi, 1840; Enoch in English translation by Laurence
in 1821; the Ethiopic text in 188a
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 225
of Deut. 18,15; and finally,* the mystical Mosaic type/" The
sharp distinction between the prophetic and apocalyptic forms
of Messianic expectation, with the corresponding differences in
the whole Jewish eschatology, put all these problems in a new
light, and this chapter of Gfroerer's work had considerable in-
fluence on the further study of the subject.
Gfroerer had been a student at Tttbingen imder Ferdinand
Christian Baur, to whom his Philo was dedicated. What he
proposed was a history of primitive Christianity, and he ad-
dressed himself to the task with the spirit and method of a his-
torian. The investigation of Alexandrian Judaism in the Pkilo
and of Palestinian Judaism in the Jahrhundert des Heils was
necessary, because only through a knowledge of contemporary
Judaism can the beginnings of Christianity be historically
understood. The author knew, however, that to have its full
value for this ulterior purpose the investigation must be pur-
sued without reference to it, and consequently Das Jahrhundert
des Heils taken by itself is a history of Palestinian Judaism in
New Testament times. It was the first time that the attempt
had been made to portray Judaism as it was, from its own litera-
ture, without apologetic, polemic, or dogmatic prepossessions
or intentions; and however greatly the Alexandrian influence in
Palestinian theology is exaggerated, and whatever its short-
commgs in other respects, this fact alone is enough to make the
work memorable.
Gfroerer does not try to run Jewish teaching into the mould
of any system of Christian theology, but adopts a disposition
natural to the matter. After the chapter on the sources of
which mention has already been made, and one on education
and the learned class, he discusses the Jewish doctrine of revela-
tion; the idea of (Jod; the divine powers; the intermediaries
between God and the world (Shekinah, Memra); angels and
demons; creation, the world and its parts; man, the soul, im-
mortality, freedom and destiny, sin, the fall; the means and
ways by which man gains the favor of God or averts his wrath;
(Jod's purpose with the Jewish people, providence; this world
and that to come; the time of the Messiah^s advent; and
^ Das Jahrhundert des Heils, ii, 289-444.
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226 HAaVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
finally the chapter on the Messiah and the Last Things of
which we have' spoken above. The author's Alexandrinism —
to label his theory thus — is particularly evident when he is
dealing with the idea of God and the intermediaries, a subject
to which we shall return presently. Elsewhere he gives in gen-
eral a satisfactory account of Palestinian teaching, so far as his
sources and his somewhat indiscriminate use of them permit.
Eminently good is the exposition of the ways by which the
favor of God is gained, a chapter which comprehends in brief
the whole of practical religion. The author is dealing here with
matters on which Jewish teaching is abimdant, dear, consist-
ent, and always the same; but no one before him had under-
taken to bring it together and set it forth for Christian readers;
indeed the subject had been almost completely ignored by his
predecessors — a striking example of the insufficiency for his-
torical purposes not only of the polemic and dogmatic methods,
but of the vast accumulation of material made in a polemic or
dogmatic interest. For the question. What must men do to be
well-pleasing to God? goes to the heart of the matter. The
answer to it tells us more than anything else what a religion
really is. Gfroerer not only recognized the significance of this
question, but lets the Jews themselves answer it in their own
way and mainly in their own words. The chapter has not merely
the merit of a first exploration in a neglected field; it is to this
day the most adequate presentation of the subject from the
hand of a Christian scholar, and its excellence is the more con-
spicuous by comparison with the treatment of the matter by
more recent writers, particularly Ferdinand Weber and those
who get their notions of Judaism from him.
Gfroerer distinguishes among the Palestinian Jews two widely
different ideas of God. The great majority, as in all religions
and in all times, conceived of God after the analogy of human
personality, only inmieasurably greater and better, creator,
sustainer, and moral governor of the world, as he is represented
in the Scriptures. A smaller number embraced the Alexan-
drian speculations which allowed the name God in its proper
sense only to the pure Being of its ontology (6 &Vf rd 61^), an
Absolute, of which, as it is in itself, nothing can be known, no
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 227
name given to it, no predicates applied, no attributes ascribed.
Between this transcendent God and the world they posited an
intermediary corresponding in nature and fimction to the
Logos in Philo. The chief evidence that Gfroerer adduces to
prove that a transcendent idea of God was entertained by in-
fluential Palestinian teachers is, in fact, the existence in the
Targums "^ and Midrash of such figures as the Shekinah,
Memra, Metatron, which he conceives to be explicable only as
the intermediaries made necessary by a metaphysical idea of
God that excludes him by definition from immediate transac-
tions in nature or revelation. In this interpretation he was in
accord with the long-standing traditions of Christian apolo-
getics and dogmatics, proceeding from the same metaphysical
idea of God.
Gfroerer is thus a precursor of the modem school which
attributes to Palestinian Judaism as a fundamental dogma an
idea of God which isolates him from the world in his infinite
being and imapproachable holiness — the term transcendent is
often used to define it. But he does not, like them, regard this
as the general and dominant rabbinical conception; he con-
fines it to the theosophic mystical circles who derived their
theology from Alexandria and in which the Cabala was culti-
vated. And, so far from regarding it as something distinc-
tively bad in Judaism by contrast with Christianity, he finds
the same ideas in the Gospel of John, which he exalts above the
others in a volume bearing the significant title. Das HeUigthum
und die Wahrheit.^ His theory of the origin and nature of the
Shekinah and Memra is erroneous, and the inference from it
invalid; but his discrimination saves him from the gross mis-
representation of the prevailing Jewish conception of God into
which his successors fall. Gfroerer is now seldom quoted, in
part perhaps because he did not provide his volumes with
indexes to make it easy to quote without reading. Nor is the
** The Targums on the Pentateuch and the Historical Books* which (with the ex-
ception of the so-called Pseudo-Jonathan on the Pentateuch) he makes older than the
destruction of Jerusalem, are among his chief witnesses to the early prevalence of
Alexandrian mystical theology in P^destine.
** Recall also the subtitle of his Philo (above* p. 228), ' vom Einflusse der jttdisch-
aegyptischen Schule auf die Lehre des Neuen Testaments.'
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228 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEVIEW
book, with its wilderness of quotations in Latin and German
easy reading, but one who is willing to undergo the labor may
still learn much from it.
The book that has for forty years been the chief resource of
Christian writers who have dealt ex jyrcfesso or incidentally with
Judaism at the b^inning of the Christian era is Ferdinand
Weber's System dtr aUsynagogaien paUMinischen Theologie
(1880) ••^ For a just estimate of this work it is necessary to
premise somewhat about its origin. The author grew up in a
pietistic atmosphere; he studied at Erlangen, then one of the
strongholds of the new-fashioned Lutheranism, under Johann
Christian Hofmann and Franz Delitzsch, and is redolent of the
'heilsgeschichtliche Theologie.' There he imbibed the anti-
critical and unhistorical spirit of the school. His first publica-
tion was outlines of Introduction of the Old and New Testa-
ment, for teachers in higher schools and educated readers of
the Bible (186S), of one of the later editions of which Heinrich
Holtzmann said that the only thing it showed was how a man
could write on these subjects without taking any note of what
was going on about him. No less significant of his whole atti-
tude was a series of articles in the Allgemeine evangelisch-
lutherische Eirchenzeitung^ entitled, System des jiidischen
PharisinsTrms und des romischen KathoUcismus (1890).
Probably imder Delitzsch's influence Weber conceived the
idea of becoming a missionary to the Jews, and with this end
in view began rabbinical studies imder J. H. Biesenthal, a very
competent scholar, himself a convert from Judaism and a mis-
sionary to the Jews, who like so many before him brought as a
baptismal offering proofs of the Trinity and other Christian
doctrines from the Cabala. Weber never succeeded in getting
into the missionary calling, but the * System* on which he spent
the last years of his life was the outcome of studies imdertaken
to that end.
^ Edited and published after the author's death by Frans Delitnoh and Georg
Schnedermann; reissued with an extra title-page, 'Die Lehren des Talmuds' (1886),
and in a second, 'improved' edition by Schnedermann under a third title, 'JUdische
Theologie auf Grund des Tafanud und verwandte Schriften,' 1897. The improvements
oonsist in an (incomplete) verification of the references by J. J. Kahan and occasional
slight revision by the editor, not always for the better. (See, for example^ the absurd
Metatron-Crown Prince, 2d ed., p. 178.)
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 229
Now Jewish law, ritual, and observance, were ordered and
codified in the Mishna and kindred works; but the Jews did
nothing of the kind for the religious and moral teaching of the
school and synagogue. No one even thought of extracting a
theology from the utterances of the Rabbis in Midrash and
Haggada, to say nothing of organizing the theology in a sys-
tem; nor was the need of any connected presentation of Jewish
doctrine felt until the controversies of the tenth century
prompted Saadia to write the Emunoth we-Deoth after the
example of Moslem Mutakallimin and upon the same philo-
sophical principles. The fundamental criticism to be made of
Weber's * System' is precisely that it w a system of theology,
and not an ancient Jewish system but a modem German sys-
tem. This is far more than a mere matter of disposition, the
ordering of the materials under certain heads taken from
Christian dogmatics; the system brings its logic with it and
imposes it upon the materials.
After the pattern of the 'material principle' and 'formal
principle' of Lutheran dogmatics, Weber begins with Das
Materialprincip des Nomismtis and Das Formalprincip des
NomismuSy each in several chapters. The 'material princi-
ple' is concisely formulated in the title of chapter S: Gesetdich-
keit das Wesen der Religion — legalism is iJie smn and sub-
stance of religion, and is, in Jewish apprehension, the only form
of religion for all ages. This 'nomism' is reflected in the idea
of God (chap. 11) : Where legalism is the essence of religion,
religion is the right behavior of man before God, whereas 'we
say,''^ Religion is communion with God. God will admit man
to his communion because he is not only holiness but love. In
Judaism, on the contrary, where his holiness is exclusively em-
phasized, God remains absolutely exalted above the world and
man, separated from them, abiding unchangeable in himself.
After a few sentences on the names of Grod, the remoteness
of Grod in his supramundane exaltation becomes metaphysical:
** In the second edition Schnedermann transforms this opposition in the points of
view ('wir sagen') into an antithesis in the proposition itself. The Jewish idea is that,
'Religion das rechte Verhalten des Menschen vor Gott ist, ni^ aber Gemeinschaft des
Menschen mit Gott.'
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230 HABVAKD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
'"From this fundamental conceptio;n of God as the Absolute,
Jewish theology deduces two further (in reality antithetic)
elements, which must be regarded as characteristic of the Jew-
ish idea of God; namely, abstract monotheism and abstract
transcendentism. The former was developed and fixed in op-
position to the trinitarian unfolding (Erschliessung) of the one
Godhead in three persons, the latter in opposition to the per-
sonal indwelling of God in the human race." '* Subsequent
writers who use Weber as evidence of the Jewish idea of (Jod
in New Testament times in order to contrast with it Jesus'
conception have overlooked this most significant passage. It
is necessary, therefore to emphasize his express assertion that
the antithetic conceptions of 'abstract monotheism' (or * mon-
ism'!) and the 'abstract transcendentism' in Jewish theology
were 'developed and fixed' in opposition to the Trinitarianism
and Christology of the church, and are therefore posterior to
the development of those Christian doctrines.
It is equally important to remark that the ' fundamental con-
ception' of an inaccessible God, whom, without perceiving
the difference, he converts in the next breath into an Absolute
God,^^ is derived from the principle that legalism is the essence
of religion, from which, according to Weber, it follows by logi-
cal necessity. About this he deceives himself; the necessity is
purely apologetic. The motive and method of the volume are
in fact apologetic throughout; the author, like so many of his
predecessors, sets himself to prove the superiority of Chris-
tianity to Judaism. In view of what is known of his life, it may
perhaps without injustice be described more specifically as
missionary apologetic: he would convince Jews how much
better Christianity is than Judaism. This aim would explain
the comparative absence of the polemic element which mingles
so strongly with the ordinary apology.
A peculiar character is givai to Weber's work also by his own
religious and theological prepossessions. It is not catholic
doctrine which is the explicit or implicit antithesis of Judaism,
*' System, u. s. w., p. 145.
^ Ab with equal obtiueness to the meaning of words he makes 'monism' equivalent
to 'abstract monotheism.'
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 2S1
but Lutheranism of a peculiar modernized type of which Hof-
mann was the chief representative. The arbitrary contradic-
tion created between the two conceptions of the essence of
religion, conformity to the will of God and commimion with
God, with its consequences for the idea of God, and the singu-
lar theory of the Trinity to which we have already adverted
are of this origin. A conspicuous example is to be found also
in the treatment of ^Die Gerechtigkeit vor Gott und das
Verdienst' (chap. 19), in which antipathy to the Roman
Catholic doctrine of good works and merit transfers itself to
Judaism.
In an introduction of thirty-four pages the rabbinical sources
are described after Zunz and other Jewish authors, and in gen-
eral with Zunz's dates, and the editions from which the author
ordinarily quotes are specified — an imusual thoughtfulness
for which those who verify their quotations would be more
grateful if he had applied it to his references to the Rabboth.
The Cabala and the Pseudepigrapha are excluded; Hellenistic
Judaism is outside the author's plan. The omission of the lit-
urgy of the synagogue and forms of private prayer in the sur-
vey of the sources is, however, an error of grave consequence.
Incidentally it shows with how little independence Weber
planned and performed his task — his predecessors had not
concerned themselves with this material. The principles on
which the sources are to be employed are briefly stated; they
are soimder than his application of them in practice. Finally,
there is a survey of the older literature down to Wagenseil and
Bodenschatz, on which somewhat sweeping unfavorable judg-
ment is passed. No mention is any where made of Gfroerer,
and the omission is hardly accidental; a pupil of Baur and a
convert to Catholicism was anathema in Weber's circle on
both counts.
No intimation is given of the nature and extent of Weber's
indebtedness to the predecessors who in the course of centuries
had collected for one purpose or another a vast mass of quota-
tions and references. Perhaps if he had lived to publish the
volume himself, he might have acknowledged his obligations
in a preface, though the Introduction would have been the
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2S2 HARVAKD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
natural place for them. As it is one might get the impression
that Weber meant to give the appearance of having gone at
the Targum, Talmuds, and Midrashim as thbugh nobody had
been there before him, and collected all his materials for him-
self; and in fact Christian scholars unfamiliar with the older
literature have generally taken him at this estimate and at-
tributed to him a measure of learning much beyond the reality.**
There is no question that he had read industriously and had
the assistance of converted Jews; but that he built on other
men's foundations and largely with their materials is easily
demonstrable. Most of his quotations come out of the common
stock which had been accumulated by the labors of many
generations, not all of them even verified. Confiding successors
have appropriated these errors, and not always given Weber
the credit of them.
The passages which Weber adduces from the sources (in
German translation) are copious and in general relevant to his
proposition. It must be emphasized, however, that in detach-
ing them from their original associations and using them as
dicta probantia for the loci of a systematic theology whose
^system' is the antithesis of Judaism to Christianity, they are
methodically misused. To much of this material — to the
exegetical ingenuities and homiletical conceits of the Midrash
and the playful imaginations of the Haggada, for example —
the Jews attached no theological character or authority.
Weber on *Die Judaisirung des GottesbegriflPes* (pp. 168-167)
is a salient instance of such misuse of the sources. Incidentally
also of his use of his predecessors. If any one will take the
trouble to compare this section with Eisenmenger's chapter,
*Was vor ungeziemende und theils l&sterliche Dinge die ver-
stockten Juden von Gott dem Vater lehren und schreiben*
*^ It does not inspire confidence in the author's rabbinical erudition to read (p. xz)
that according to Sanhedrin 86a the anonymous utterances in Sif ra are to be taken as
sayings of R. Judah the Holy, 'from which it follows that the Tahnud regards R. Judah
the Holy as the author of Sifra.' The Talmud says R. Judah, by which name not
'Judah the Holy,' but Judah ben Ilai (in the preceding generation) is regularly desig-
nated. In the second edition 'the Holy' disappears; but with the consequence that
in the sequel Rab is said to have been a disciple in the school of Judah, which would
seem to give Rab an extraordinarily long life.
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 2S3
(i, 1 ff,, esp. pp. 1-54), will find Weber^s references sometimes
for a page together in the same order. It is curious that he
should have made such use of a work of which, with others of
the kind, he says that they are ""weit mehr Sammlungen aller
mOglichen Absurditfiten und Frivolitfiten, als religionsgeschicht-
liche Darstellungen," and of a chapter in which Eisenmenger
outdoes himsjelf in that vein. Eisenmenger, however, got to-
gether this material (and much more) only to hold up the Jews
to derision and contempt; Weber seriously derives from it a
'Judaized' idea of God, and has a serious theory to explain
how an idea so incongruous with their *transcendentism' ever
came to be entertained — it was the growing dominance of *the
principle of nomocracy* which transformed God into *a God
of the Torah.'
Weber's original contribution to the misunderstanding of
Judaism was what he calls 'transcendentism,' the inaccessibil-
ity of Grod, wherein he finds the characteristic diflFerence of the
Jewish idea of God, and its immense inferiority to the Chris-
tian idea. That this was the Jewish idea, is proved for him, as
has been already noted, by the intermediaries which, according
to him, Judaism interposed between God and the world: if God
himself were not transcendent, there would be no use for them.
The older apologetic, better instructed in Christian theology,
had consistently labored to prove that these intermediaries
corresponded exactly to their own Logos, the Son, Christ, dis-
covering in them no difference between the Jewish idea of God
and the Christian — the identity is, indeed, always assumed.
The Christology of the church and its Trinitarian dogma are in
fact based upon a metaphysical doctrine of the Absolute; and
from their first acquaintance with it Christian scholars recog-
nized their own philosophy of religion in the transcendental
Neoplatonism of the speculative Cabala, which they regarded
as the ancient esoteric doctrine of Judaism. Weber's antithesis
between the transcendent God of Jewish theology and the con-
trary in Christian theology ^ shows how little he knew about
either the history or the content of Christian dogma. What
^ The oonirary of a transcendent God» is not, as historically and logically it should
be, an immoMnt God, but what may be called a sociable God.
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234 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
has led recent scholars of other schools and of greatly superior
theological learning to adopt Weber's interpretation and judg-
ment of Judaism and to put the Jewish idea of God in a new
antithesis to Christianity is a question to which we shall revert
later.
Besides the causes of misunderstanding that have been re-
marked above, particular misinterpretations are not infre-
quent, and are sometimes of far-reaching consequence. A
striking instance of this kind may be found on page 174 f.,
where Weber discovers in the dibbur of Shir ha-Shirim Rabbah
foL 3 a (Sulzbach; ed. Wihia, 1884, fol. 4 b) 'the basis for the
understanding of the Memra of Jehovah in the Targums/
'^des aus dem Munde Gottes hervorgegangenen Wortes, welches
als g5ttliche Potenz innerhalb der Heilsgeschichte wirkend sich
in der Anschauung des Judentums zur Person verdichtet hat
und als mittlerische Hypostase zwischen Gott und seinem Volke
steht/' As Weber paraphrases: "At the proclamation of the
Ten Conmiandments, the dibbur proceeded out of the mouth of
(rod, and then went to each Israelite in the camp and asked him
whether he would accept it, setting before him at the same time
all the obligations as well as the reward involved in the ac-
ceptance. As soon as an Israelite had answered in the affirma-
tive and accepted the Word, the Dibbur kissed him on the
mouth."
The passage on which such large dogmatic conclusions are
based is a peculiarly far-fetched homiletic conceit on Cant. 1,
2, 'Let him kiss me with the kisses of his mouth.' R. Johanan
said that at the lawgiving at Sinai, "An angel brought out the
word (dibbur) from the presence of God, each word separately,**
and took it aroimd to every individual Israelite, saying to
him. Do you take upon you this word?" He explained all
that was implied in the commandment as well as what was
explicitly required, the penalties of transgression, and the re-
ward of obedience. "K the Israelite said. Yes, the angel
further asked. Do you take upon you the Godhead of the
^ DibbOr is 'speech, utterance'; specifically one of the Ten Utterances ((fe&anin,
labbinical, debaroih), which the Gredc version (Exod. S4, 28) and Philo call 5ka X67o^
and we after them the Decalogue.
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 285
Holy One? If he answered, Yes, Yes, the angel kissed him
on the mouth — this is what is said (in Deut. 4, 35): *Thou
wast made to see, to know' (by the hand of a messenger)." **
The majority, however, gave a slightly diflFerent turn to the
conceit — and here we come to Weber's quotation : The several
commandments were not carried about one by one by an angel,
but each dibbur ('commandment') itself went about on the
same errand, made the same explanations, and, being accepted,
kissed the man on his mouth, etc.
The difference between R. Johanan and the majority is not
over the impersonality or personality of the word: a more
plausible suggestion is offered by a commentator steeped in the
mind of the Midrash, that it has its origin in a different inter-
pretation of *the great host' in Psalm 68, 12, one taking it of
the angels, the others of the Israelites. But whatever remoter
conceits may have been in the homilists imaginations, Weber's
partial quotation needs only to be completed from its context to
prove his interpretation and application false. And, even if not
misinterpreted and misapplied, what kind of a basis for the
* hypostatic Word of God' are such curiosities of ingenuity as
are displayed in asking and answering the question who is the
kisser and who the kissed in Cant. 1, 2, and when, and where,
and what for? I have dwelt on this case at some length, as a
warning against that implicit confidence in Weber which pre-
vails among those who are not able to bring him to book. Be-
fore I leave the subject I am going to give one illustration of
how Weber at second-hand is worse than himself. Oesterley
and Box, with the remark that it 'illustrates the underlying
conception of the Memra^* reproduce as follows the passage
from Weber quoted above: "The passage is dealing with the
account of the giving of the Law on Mount Sinai, and it is ex-
plained that the *Word' (Memra) came forth from the mouth
of God when the Ten Commandments were pronounced, and
went forth to each IsraeUte, asking each if he would accept
these commandments," etc. "As soon as an Israelite signified
^ The quotation of these catch-words must be understood to call to mind the sequel,
'that the Lord, he is God; there is none beside him. Out of heaven he made thee to
hear his voice that he might instruct thee,' etc.
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286 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
his willingness to become obedient to the Law, the 'Word'
kissed him on his lips." ^
Numerous equally striking examples of Weber at second hand
may be found by those who are in search of such enter-
tainment in the article 'Shekinah' in Hastings' Dictionary
of the Bible, by J. T. Marshall. I can make room here for
only one of them. In a paragraph on the activity of the
Shekinah not only on earth but in Sheol (p. 489 A) we read:
"But in Bereshith Rabba to Gn. 44, 8 the Shekinah is the
deliverer. It affirms that the wicked Jews now * bound in
Gehinnom' will ascend out of hell, with the Shekinah at
their head.** For this, reference is made with a certain
superfluity to both editions of Weber. In abridging Weber,
Marshall has eliminated the association with Micah 2, IS
("and their King shall pass over before them and the Lord
at their head') which alone makes the Midrash intelligible.
This by the way. The point of the story is in the reference
to * Bereshith Rabba to Gn. 44, 8.' A reader whose skep-
ticism was properly aroused by this altogether unusual
method of citing the Midrash, and who undertook to find
the place, would find nothing but a justification of his
skepticism. The quotation, in fact, is not from the Mid-
rash Bereshith Rabbah at all. It is derived from the Pugio
Kdei (p. 685), where it is attributed to the Bereshith Rabba
of Rabbi Moses ha-DarshaUy that is to say to a lost work by
a French Rabbi at the close of the eleventh century. But
the end is not yet. In Carpzov's edition of the Pugio which
Weber used the reference *Gen. 44. v. 8' is a misprint, as
the first words of the quotation vrm'* xhv^ w^i — the incijnt
of the Parasha m\ Gen. 44, 18 — would betray at a glance
to any reader who paid attention to what he was about.
The case incidentaUy demonstrates that neither Weber nor
MarshaU had ever tried to verify the reference. In the
second edition of Weber, Kahan has put a (?) after the
reference, showing that he had looked for it but not been
able to find it in Bereshith Rabbah, which might at least
have served as a danger signal to Marshall.
^ Religion and Worship of the Synagogue, p. 1S2 f.
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JHDDAISM 287
Finally, it is to be observed that in treating of the inter-
mediaries (Shekinah, Memra, Metatron), although Weber
abjures the testimony of the Cabala, he takes over the con-
ceptions and associations which his predecessors had derived
from the Cabala, and interprets in accordance with them the
testimony of the Targums and Midrash — a fallacy of method
in which he has many fellows. A bad example of such contami-
nation occurs in the section on the Metatron (p. 174), where,
having by way of the mediaeval Gematria, |noDO = 814 « n«^,
discovered that Metatron is a * representative of the Almighty,*
he continues: '^In this sense he bears in HuUin 69 a and
Yebamoth 16 b the name D^yn nr. Prince of the World; he
represents God's sovereignty (Herrscherstellung) in the world/*
The Talmud neither in the places cited nor anywhere else
calls Metatron sar ha-'olam. To judge from a comparison of
the contexts, Weber had his references from Levy (Chaldaisches
Wofierhuchy 11, 81), where, however, the identification is not
attributed to the Talmud, but (incorrectly) to the Tosaphoth,
or supplementary glosses (supplementary, that is, to Rashi),
chiefly from the French schools of the thirteenth century. In
the Tosaphoth themselves the identity is discussed, a propos of
the apparently conflicting use of the title in certain mediaeval
hymns, but is not affirmed. Eisenmenger (II, 897), and so far
as I know every one who touched the subject before Weber,
stated the matter correctly.
Six years before Weber, appeared another work which was
destined more than any other in its time to influence Christian
notions of Judaism, namely, Emil Schtirer, Lehrbuch der Neur
testamentlichen Zeitgesckickte (1874). The name, which came
into vogue in the sixth and seventh decades of the last century,
did not mean a history of New Testament times, but desig-
nated a part of what in earlier days would have been compre-
hended under Introduction to the New Testament. Its practi-
cal piupose was to put the student in the way of acquiring a
variety of knowledges which are necessary to the under-
standing of the New Testament and the beginnings of Chris-
tianity. Schneckenburger (1862) had included the Gentile
world of the time, but SchUrer limits the scope of his Lehrbuch
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238 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
to the Jewish side. After an introduction on the sources he
devotes half the volume to the political history of Palestine
from 175 b.c- to 70 a.d. The second part has the subtitle, *Das
innere Leben des jUdischen Volkes im Zeitalter Christi/ and
deals with the country and its populations, Jewish institutions,
the sects, the scribes and their learning, schools and synagogues^
life under the Law; then (on a much larger scale), the apoc-
alyptic literature, and the Messianic expectation. The volume
concludes with chapters on Judaism in the dispersion, and on
Philo.
Subsequent editions, greatly enlarged, appeared under the
title, Geschickte des jiidischen Volkes im ZeitaUer Jesu Christie
but without any considerable change in the character or plan
of the work. Schtirer's volumes are an indispensable repertory
for all sorts of things about the Jews — history, archaeology,
geography, chronology, institutions, cultus, sects and parties,
literature, etc. — treated as distinct subjects of investigation
and presentation. The work has an external unity in service-
abiUty for a practical purpose, but lacks the historical bond
which alone could give it an inner unity. This observation is
not an adverse criticism on the work; Schiirer did what he
set out to do, and made an immeasurably useful handbook.
But the reader must take it and use it for what it is, not for
what its author, notwithstanding the title, never intended it
to be — history. Least of all did he propose to write a history
of the Jewish religion in the period he covers, or a description
of it as it was at the beginning of our era. He treats at large
the Messianic expectation — under which he included the whole
eschatology — twice, first in its development and then again
systematically. The only other subject in the sphere of religion
which is given a place of its own is 'Life under the Law.' The
selection of these two subjects and no others is explained by
their signal importance for the understanding of the beginnings
of Christianity — the different forms of Messianic expectation
among the Jews in relation to correspondingly varied forms
of belief among Christians about Jesus the Messiah, and Life
under the Law as explaining and justifying Jesus' criticism of
the Scribes and Pharisees.
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 239
The consequence of the isolation of these subjects from their
place in Jewish religion as a whole is to give the erroneous im-
pression that the Law and the Messianic expectation are not
only, as Schtlrer puts it> the two poles of Judaism, but that
they are the sum and substance of it. This impression is greatly
strengthened by the contents of the section on Life under the
Law. To Schtlrer, notwithstanding his very different theologi-
cal standpoint, as much as to Weber, Judaism was sjmonymous
with ^legalism,' and * legalism' was his most cherished religious
antipathy. The motive of the legalized religiousness of the
Jews was retribution, reward and punishment here and here-
after, in the exact measure of the merit or demerit of particu-
lar acts of transgression or omission — retribution for the in-
dividual and the people. As this motive is essentially external,
the result was an incredible externalizing of the religious and
moral life, the whole of which is drawn down into the 'juristic '
sphere. The evil consequences that necessarily follow are de-
veloped at large; the upshot of it is that life becomes a service
of the letter for the letter's sake. The outward correctness of
the action is the thing, not the inward end and motive. "And
all this trivial and perverted zeal professes to be the true and
right religion. The more pains men took, the more they be-
lieved that they gained the favor of God." ^
Schtlrer goes on to illustrate the errors into which this 'zeal
for God not according to knowledge' (Rom. 10, 2) led, and the
heavy burdens it laid on the Israelite, by describing in detail,
chiefly after the Mishna, the regulations for Sabbath observ-
ance, the rules of clean and unclean, the prescriptions about the
wearing of fringes, phylacteries, prayer-shawls; the formaliz-
ing of prayer, fasting, and the like. Even the occasional fine
sayings of individual Rabbis are for him only streaks of light
which make blacker the shadows they can not illumine. In
conclusion, Schtlrer pronounces judgment on the Jewish re-
ligion in terms of solemn condemnation. It is significant that,
while almost everything else in the work was revised and re-
written in the successive editions, this chapter remains nearly
* Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, § 27; especially pp. 483 f., 510 !.; Geachichte
des jaduchen Volkes, u. a. w., § 88; 8d edit, ii, 464 ff.» 460» 495» etc.
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«40 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
verbatim to the last; even the original vehemence of expression
is unsoftened by years.
It is to be taken into account in estimating his depreciatory
judgment that SchUrer was never widely read in the literature
of the school and the synagogue, and that he paid the least at-
tention to precisely those parts of it from which most may be
learned about religious feeling and the inwardness of Jewish
piety. It may be added that Schtlrer himself was tempera-
mentally lacking in the sympathetic imagination which re-
creates other times, other men, other manners, alien ways of
thinking and feeling, philosophies and religions remote from
our own, in the endeavor to realize what they meant in their
own time and place. But after all allowance is made the final
word must be that 'Life under the Law' was conceived, not
as a chapter of the history of Judaism but as a topic of Chris-
tian apologetic; it was written to prove by the highest Jewish
authority that the strictures on Judaism in the Gospels and the
Pauh'ne Epistles are fully justified. It is greatly to be regretted
that Schtirer's eminent merits in everything external should
have led New Testament scholars generally to attach equal
authority to his representation and judgment of the Jewish
religion.
In another respect SchUrer's work marks a change in the
point of view. His predecessors, generally speaking, compare
and contrast Judaism and Christianity as wholes, and from
the point of view of their own time; Weber compares the Pales-
tinian Judaism of the first five centuries of our era with his own
variety of nineteenth century Protestantism, unhistorically
imagined to be Christianity itself. SchUrer's purpose to furnish
the necessary knowledge for the understanding of the begin-
nings of Christianity confines the comparison to narrower
limits. The Messianic expectations of the contemporary Jews
are reflected in Christian conceptions; the opposition to legal-
ism is a primitive factor in the gospel. The problem of the
origin of Christianity historically conceived demands, however,
an investigation of every other phase of Judaism at the begin-
ning of our era, and the endeavor to define what Christianity
took over from Judaism as well as what was new in it. For such
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 241
a purpose a critical history of Judaism in that age, say from the
begmning of the second century b.c. to the end of the second
century a.d., both Palestinian and Hellenistic, became in-
dispensable.
This is what the title of Bousset's Die Religion dee Judeniums
im neuteetamenUichen ZeitaUer (190S; 2d ed. 1906) promises.
The author is conscious that in undertaking a comprehensive
presentation of what he strangely calls 'die Religion des Spfit-
judentums ' he is assuming a task which no one since Gfroerer
had set his hand to, and, while pointing out the limitations of
Gfroerer's work, he has a juster appreciation of its merits than
those of his predecessors who have anything to say about it:
''Der ganze Wurf ist gross und kilhn gedacht. Man wird von
him immer aufs neue lemen miissen."
Bousset was, like Schttrer, a New Testament scholar, and his
interest in Judaism also was not for its own sake, but for the
light it might throw on the beginnings of Christianity. One
of his first published writings was, Jeeu Predigt in ihrem Gegen-
sab zum Judentum. Ein religumsgeechichdicher Vergleieh
(1892). In it the author seeks to prove that the character and
teaching of Jesus can be explained, not as having their roots in
Judaism, but only as the antithesis to Judaism in every essen-
tial point. The book is closely associated with Baldensperger,
Daa SelbsibewuBsteein Jesu im Lichie der messianischen Hoffnung-
en seiner ZeU (1888), and Johann Weiss, Die Predigt Jesu vom
Beiche Gottes (1890),^' and like them endeavors to solve its
problems by bringing the teaching of Jesus into connection
with the religion in which he had been brought up. The idea
was not as new as some of the advertisements of the 'religions-
geschichtliche Methode' might lead one to think — no philolo-
gist would ever have admitted that there was any other method
— but it was at least potentially more fruitful than a prosecu-
tion in infinitum of the internal criticism and exegesis of the
^ It is not without significanoe that all these authors — SchUrer, Baldensperger,
Weiss, Bousset — were New Testament scholars, the oldest of them scarcely past
thirty years old. Schttrer was the only one who thought it necessary to know anything
about the rabbinical sources, and he found in Sureuhusius' Mishna just the right ma-
terial for the demonstration of legalism.' Beyond this he never went; the others did
not go so far.
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242 HARVAKD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Grospels. Whether it should bear good fruit or evil depended,
however, on the knowledge of Judaism tlie investigators
brought to bear on their subject. In BoussetV case, as with
Baldensperger and Weiss, this knowledge was a negligible
quantity. It could not have been otherwise: a Privatdozent of
twenty-seven, only getting fairly started with his courses on
the New Testament, would be a prodigy if he had, of his own,
anything properly to be called knowledge in so diverse and
difficult a field. What Bousset lacked in knowledge, he made
up, however, in the positiveness and confidence of his opinions,
and for the failure to present evidence, by an effective use of
what psychologists call suggestion — imsupported assertion
coming by force of sheer reiteration to appear to the reader
self-evident or something he had always known.
The fundamental contrast between Jesus and Judaism, as
Bousset asserts it, is in the idea of God and the feeling toward
him. The God of Judaism in that age was withdrawn from
the world, supramundane, extramundane, transcendent. ^'The
prophetic preaching of the exaltation and uniqueness of Jehovah
beoune the dogma of an abstract, transcendent monotheism.'*
So it is reiterated page after page. ^'God is no more in the
world, the world no more in God." For the evidence, the reader
is habitually referred to Baldensperger, and by Baldensperger
chiefly to the apocalyptic literature. In contrast to this,
"What is most completely original and truly creative in the
preaching of Jesus comes out most strongly and purely when
he proclaims God the heavenly Father." ""The later Judaism
(i.e. that of Jesus' time) had neither in name nor in fact the
faith of the Father-God; it could not possibly rise to it." And
as the whole 'GesetzesfrQmmigkeit' of Judaism is based upon
its increasingly transcendent conception of God, so the new
conception introduced by Jesus is the ground of a wholly new
type of piety.
The symptomatic thing in this book is the implication that
the specific difference between Christianity and Judaism is to
be sought in the teaching of Jesus. Christian theology had
always found it in the doctrine of the person and work of Christ,
and, so far as the teaching of Jesus was concerned, in what he
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 243
said about his personal relation to God and his mission in the
world, not in what he thought and taught about God nor in
the form of his personal piety and its supposed perpetuation
in Christianity. The historian can only characterize the notion
that the fatherhood of God is the cardinal doctrine of Christi-
anity and its cardinal difference from Judaism as a misrepre-
sentation of historical Christianity no less than of Judaism. I
have given more space to this little volume than its intrinsic
importance would warrant because it exhibits the presumptions
which underlie Bousset's later and larger work in which he sets
himself to portray the Judaism of that age as a whole.
The censure which Jewish scholars have unanimously passed
on Die Religion des Judentums is that the author uses as his
primary sources almost exclusively the writings commonly
called Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, with an especial pen-
chant for the apocalypses; and only secondarily, and almost
casually, the writings which represent the acknowledged and
authoritative teachings of the school and the more popular in-
struction of the sjmagogue. This is much as if one should de-
scribe early Christianity using indiscriminately for his principal
sources the Ai>ocryphal Gospels and Acts, the Apocalypses of
John and Peter, and the Clementine literature.^^ Bousset de-
fends his procedure on two grounds; Fir^, he thus methodically
confines himself to the evidence of writings which were ap-
proximately contemporaneous with the New Testament,
whereas the oldest of the books in which the rabbinical teach-
ing is preserved date from the dose of the second century of
our era, being separated from the time of Christ not only by
several generations but by two great crises in Judaism, the
destruction of Jerusalem and the war under Hadrian, while the
bulk of the literature consists of compilations made some
centuries later. The only criterion by which it can be deter-
mined what of all their voluminous contents was really taught
^ This parallel must often have occurred to critics. Perks (Bouuets Religion des
Judentums, p. 23) quotes Ghwolson. Das letste Passamahl Chiisti (18M)» p. 71: So
wenig man das Wesen des Christenthums aus der Apokalypse Johannis oder ana
apokryphiacfaen Evangelien kennen lemen kann, ebensowenig kann man das Juden-
thum sur Zeit Christ! aus dem Buche Enoch, dem Buche der Jubiliten und ilhnUchen
Schriften erf oracfaen.
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244 HARVAKD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
in the time of Christ is the New Testament itself and the Jewish
apocryphal writings to which he gives the preference. Second^
his aim is not to present what the scribes taught in the schools
(Schriftgelehrtentum) but the religious conceptions and senti-
ments of the people (Volkrfrdmmigkeit)^ and this he assumes
to be expressed in the popular literature, particularly in the
apocalypses.
This is not the place to discuss the propriety of these limita-
tions from the point of view of historical method, or the validity
of the contrast drawn between the teaching of the Rabbis and
the piety of the people; but it is dear that the author ought not
to have called his book Die Religion des Judentums^ for the
sources from which his representation is drawn are those to
which, so far as we know, Judaism never conceded any author-
ity, while he discredits and largely ignores those which it has
always regarded as normative. That the critical use of the
latter is difficult is indisputable, though Bousset exaggerates
the difficulty into an impossibility; but the critical problems
which the former present, while of a different kind, are no less
difficult, though Bousset blinks the most serious of them. How
wide, for example, was the currency of these writings? Do they
represent a certain common type of * Volksfr5mmigkeit,* or did
they circulate in circles with peculiar notions and tendencies
of their own? How far do they come from sects regarded by
the mass of their countrymen as heretical? So far as concerns
the influence of the ideas found in such sources on the Messianic
conceptions and beliefs of the disciples of Jesus or of Jesus him-
self, these questions are of comparatively little consequence;
the connection itself is the thing to be established. They be-
come of the highest consequence, however, when it comes to
using this literature as a principal source for the history of
Judaism, and especially to giving it precedence over the teach-
ing of the school and synagogue represented in the rabbinical
sources.
The relative age of the writings is of much less importance
than their relation to the main linepf development which can
be followed from the canonical Scriptures through many of the
postcanonic writings, including the Synoptic Gospels and the
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 245
liturgy of the synagogue, to the Midrash and Halakah of the
second century. No account of Judaism would be complete
which ignored the apocalypses and the kindred literature, but
such incompleteness would not fundamentally misrepresent
its subject as does an account based chiefly on them. The cri-
terion is exactly the same which the historian appUes to the
history of Christianity, say in the first two centuries. Anony-
mous writings like the recently discovered Epistola Aposto-
lorum, which fall into the line of development that we recon-
struct or postulate between the New Testament and Irenaeus,
Tertullian, Clement of Aleicandria, Hippolytus, belong to the
history of cathoUc Christianity, and may be important addi-
tions to our sources for it. Writings that lie, on the whole, to
one side or the other of this line, may contain much that by
this criterion is the common Christianity of the age, and so far
these also may be used, with proper caution, as adjunct sources.
On the other hand, what in them, individually or as classes,
is not thus verified by the common tradition, whatever currency
it may have had at the time in certain circles or sects, is a
source only for variations of Christianity which it eventually
repudiated. To ignore, or deliberately reject, this self-evident
principle of historical criticism in dealing with Judaism is to
disqualify oneself at the outset.
In truth, Bousset never conceived his task as a historian;
it was not Judaism as a religion, but Judaism as the back-
ground, environment, source, and foil of nascent Christianity
that he had in mind, with a strong secondary interest in the
'das religionsgeschichtliche Problem,' the relation of Judaism
to the Babylonian religion, and especially to Zoroastrianism.
Since for both purposes he found the most convenient material
in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, particularly the apoca-
lyptic literature, he made them his chief authorities. There
was another reason for his neglect of the rabbinical sources:
he had only second-hand acquaintance with them, and that of
the most superficial character. It is only necessary to read the
half-dozen pages he devotes to *Die spfitere Litteratur' in his
chapter, *Die Quellen,' to recognize that even what he knew
abovi them was negligently and unintelligently compiled from
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246 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
bibliographical descriptions. The single foot-note (2) on page
43 (repeated in the second edition, p. 47 f ., with the correction
of a minor error which had been signalized by Perles), is a
testimonial of incompetence in this field, the more significant
because he had Schttrer in his hands. It is not surprising that
Jewish scholars criticized the work harshly. They found it
easy to convict the author of portentous blunders in his inci-
dental adventures into Hebrew; as when (following Schlatter —
the blind leading the blind into the ditch — see Perles, 'Boussets
Religion des Judentums/ p. 16) he renders pN:) ("trustworthy/
in matters of tithes and the like, M. Demai, ii, 2) by 'glfiubig/
(' believing ')» and introduces it into a discussion of Faith; nor
is it strange that Perles and others made themselves disagree-
able over Bousset's rabbinical erudition.^* The temper of
Bousset's orado pro damo 9ua is not more urbane, and, as often
happens with apologias, he only made a bad case worse by
arguing it.
Bousset, nevertheless, frequently cites the utterances of the
Rabbis, especially when they coincide with his primary sources,
supplementing the inevitable Weber from Bacher's Agada der
Tannaiien and from Wlinsche's translations, and, within a
limited range, from Dalman's Worte Jeau. In not a few in-
stances the interpretation he gives to them and the use he
makes of them show how perilous the quotation of quotations
is, and emphasize the observation that the ways of the Midrash
are not to be understood by any one who has not habituated
himself to them by voluminous reading of the original texts
in their continuity and acquiring something of a midrashic
mind. The whole point, meaning, and reason of its interpreta-
tions are often impossible to reproduce in translation, or to
explain to the uninitiated in notes, which give the appearance
of absurdity to what in the Midrashic exegesis is self-evident.
Of Bousset's general attitude toward Judaism and his judg-
ment of it enough has already been said; it is only necessary
^ He thinks, for example, that the language of the Talmuds is Aramaic. Even in
Biblical Hebrew he wa^ iU-grounded, as is convincingly shown by the remark: *Die
alttestamentliche Sprache hat nocfa kein Wort fur SchOpfer, und mus9 den Mangel
durch Partinpialkonstniktionen ersetsen* (p. 412).
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 247
to add that in the later and larger book> they remain essentiaUy
unchanged^ still dominated by the antithesis to the teaching
of Jesus. The second edition (1906) is in many ways an im-
provement on the first. The original plan, which put in the
forefront 'Die Entwickelung der jttdischen Fr6mmigkeit zur
Kirche/ evoked protest from Christians, to whom this seemed
to make the development into a church a retrogression from
the religion of the Old Testament; and though the author
maintained the correctness of his point of view, he abandoned
this highly artificial disposition because he found that he could
not bring under this head all that he wanted to put in this part
of the volume. There are other changes for the better in the
arrangement of the book, and some important additions, no-
tably a chapter on prayer, the absence of which in the first edi-
tion was eloquent. Corrections in detail are also numerous,
though far from numerous enough. One instructive example
may be noted. In his earlier work he asserted that the later
Judaism had neither the name nor the faith of the Father-God;
it could not rise to it. In the first edition of Die Religion des
Judentmns, he wrote: "Sehr charakeristisch ist es, wie sdten
... die Bezeichnung Gottes als des Vaters im SpKtjudentum
vorkommt." In the second edition this is replaced by, "Her-
vorzuheben ist . . . dass auch die Bezeichnung Gottes als des
Vaters der Einzelnen Frommen im spfiteren Judentum ent-
schieden hfiufiger ist.'' *® But even then he makes all possible
subtraction from the significance of the concession. The
chapter on monotheism, with the following on angelology,
demonology, and 'die Hypostasen-Spekulation,' repeat the
familiar theses which need not again be recited.
One remark, however, may properly be made: Whoever
derives the Jewish idea of God chiefly from apocalypses will get
the picture of a God enthroned in the highest heaven, remote
from the world, a mighty monarch surrounded by a celestial
court, with ministers of various ranks, of wnom only the high-
est have immediate access to the presence of the sovereign, un-
approachable even by angels of less exalted station, to say
*® Botisset, Jesu Predigt in ihrem Gegenaatz zum Judentum (1892), p. 43; Religion
des Judentums (1908), p. S55; 2d edition (1906), pp. 482 f.
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248 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
nothing of mere mortals; and this not because theological re-
flection has elevated him to transcendence, but because the
entire imaginative representation is conditioned by the vision-
ary form. If the prophet has a vision of the throne-room of
God's palace, as in Isaiah 6, or the seer is conducted by an
angel through one heaven after another to the very threshold
of the adytum, what other kind of representation is possible?
To extract a dogma from such visions is to misunderstand the
origin and nature of the whole apocalyptic literature. It is the
same thing with the so-called 'pre-existent Messiah' in these
writings: when once vision takes the place of prediction, the
Messiah has to be there in order to be seen; it is not a doctrine,
but a simple condition of visionary representation. The crea-
tion of the name of th^ Messiah before the world in rabbinic
sources is something totally different.
If Bousset's book be taken for what it is, it is a serviceable
hand-book. The accumulation of references to terms and
phrases in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha upon the several
topics is often almost exhaustive, but they have not always been
made from the original texts. Aristeas § 37 appears (ed. 2,
p. 257) among the places where U^taros occurs, because the
translator in Kautzsch's Pseudepigrapha happened to render
tQ fi€yUrT(^ $€Q by *dem Hochsten.' German idiom has played
the author other tricks. On the preceding page, speaking of
p^^y as a surrogate or circumlocution for God, he writes:
*Die Prfidikate der h&chste Gott, der HSchste, versetzen ims
ja eigentUch auf den Boden polytheistischen Empfindens. Vom
h5chsten Gott kann streng genonunen nur da die Rede sein,
wo es mehrere GOtter fUr den Glauben gibt.' It is quite true
that the (Jerman superlative *der Hochste,' may imply that
there are others not so high; but it is also true that the super-
lative and its implications are not in the Hebrew.
A word may be said in conclusion about a recent popular
book in English, Oesterley and Box, The Religion and Worship
of the Synagogue. An Introduction to the Study of Judaism from
the New Testament Period (1907). The part with which alone
we are here concerned, 'Dogmatic Judaism,' is based entirely
on modern authors — among whom Jewish scholars are more
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 249
frequently allowed the word than in most similar books — not
at all on immediate knowledge of the sources. The latter are,
indeed, abundantly cited in a way that makes it look as if they
had been consulted, but it is evident in many cases that the
authors did not even verify their references. The chapter on
^Intermediate Agencies between God and Man' is one long
proof of this. One or two striking examples have been inci-
dentally mentioned above. *^ Here I will name but one or two
at random: "'In Bemidbar rabbahy c. 12, the term 'Mediator'
is directly applied to MeUctrany and, what is still more signifi-
cant, he is represented as the reconciler between God and the
Chosen People" (p. 175). To begin with, this part of Bemidbar
Rabbah is mediaeval (perhaps 12th century), dependent on
late Midrashim and cabalistic sources; its testimony would be
worthless if it gave any. In the second place, there is no word
in the text or context that remotely suggests 'Mediator,' to
say nothing of being directly applied to Metatron; in the third
place, what is said about Metatron is that he offers (on the
heavenly altar) 'the souls of the righteous to atone for Israel
in the days of their exile,' an ofBce elsewhere performed by
Michael. Again: "In a number of passages in the Old Testa-
ment the expression the 'Word,' in reference to Jehovah, is
used in a way which, one can easily understand, appeared to
Jewish thinkers of a later age to indicate that the 'Word'
meant something more than a mere abstraction" (p. 179).
Among other passages of this kind they quote Deut. 5, 5: "I
stood between the Lord and you at that time to show you the
word of the Lord." That is the Authorized English version;
the Hebrew has "to report to you (\ash T}nh) the word of the
Lord, because ye were afraid of the fire," etc. The authors
apparently took the English 'show' in the sense of 'exhibit.'
In this whole string of passages the English version is the be-
ginning and end of knowledge. Thus, in Wisdom 9, 1 : "O God
of my fathers, and Lord of mercy. Who hast made all things
with thy word," they understand with as 'in association with,
with the assistance of.' The Greek is iy ('by') not abu. One
of the most amusing is the quotation of 2 (4) Esdras 6, 88 for
» See above, pp. 285 f.
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260 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
which they give: "Thy word was (i.e., Tnade) a perfect work."
This is the Authorized Version from the corrupt text in the ap-
pendix to the standard Latin Bible: In the beginning of the
creation God said, ^Fiat caelum et terra, et tuum verbum opus
perfectum.' The true reading, as has been established for a
half -century, is optis petfecit, *Thy word brought the work to
pass.' Mr. Box himself has since reprinted the Latin text of
4 Esdras from Fritzsche {1871), where the correct reading
might have been found in 1907 as easily as in 1912, not to
mention Hilgenfeld (1869) or Bensly-James (1895). If this
reading, instead of being that of the manuscripts, were un-
supported by a single codex, it would infallibly be restored by
conjecture. To create doctrine for the Jews at the beginning
of our era out of a misunderstanding of the authorized English
version of 1611, or from the translation in the same version of
a nonsensical reading in a Latin Apocryphon, is, to say the
least, not in accordance with the best practice among scholars.
It may not be unprofitable, here in conclusion, to review
briefly the course of this long history. Beginning with an eaiiy
Christian apologetic, in which the controversial points were
the interpretation and application of passages in the Old Test-
ament, the fulfilment of prophecies of the Messiah in the nativ-
ity of Jesus, his life and death, resurrection, and ascension, the
identification of Christ with the manifest God, or Angel of the
Lord, in the Old Testament, the discussion in the Middle Ages
took a wider range and assumed a more learned character in
the endeavor to demonstrate that Christian doctrines were sup-
ported by the authentic Jewish tradition — Targum, Talmud,
Midrash — or by the most highly reputed Jewish interpreters.
In the progress of the controversy polemic prevailed over apolo-
getic on both sides, the champions of each seeking out for attack
the most vulnerable points in the cause of their opponents. The
direct outcome of this conflict was the war waged upon the
Talmud itself and the eflFort to procure the destruction of ob-
noxious Jefwish literature as a whole.
The Christian scholars who resisted this obscurantist pro-
gramme in the sixteenth century argued on the other hand that
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CHRISTIAN WRITEBS ON JUDAISM 251
these books should be preserved because from them, above all
from the Cabala, all the doctrines of Christianity — the Trin-
ity, the Deity of Christ and the rest — could be proved to be
the ancient esoteric theology of the Jews themselves.
The Reformation put upon Protestants the task of building
up upon the Scriptures alone a complete system of doctrine,
and they endeavored not only to show that the ancient Jew-
ish doctrine was in essential accorcTwith the common Christian
dogma, but that on the issues in debate between Protestants
and Catholics the Jews were on the Protestant side. Thus a
strong dogmatic interest took its place beside the older apolo-
getic and polemic. A broader interest in learning for its own
sake as well as its uses prevailed largely in the seventeenth and
early eighteenth centuries, and led, as has been suflSdently re-
marked, to the creation of a great body of learned literature in
every branch of Hebrew antiquities.
The early Protestant exegesis of the Old Testament was al-
most wholly dependent on Jewish commentaries and appara-
tus, and the illustration of many passages in the Old Testament
from later Jewish law and custom also began early. The same
thing was done for the New Testament, particularly the Gos-
pels, not only in conmientaries but in a succession of notably
learned works specifically devoted to this end, the Horae
Hebraicae and whatever else they may be called; and, directly
or through Wettstein, these illustrations from Talmud and
Midrash became part of the perpetual tradition of New Testa-
ment commentaries.
In all this time no attempt had been made by Christian
scholars to present Judaism in the age which concerned them
most — say from the time of Alexander to that of the Anto-
nines — as a whole and as it was in and for itself. Nor did
those who came after them address themselves to this neglected
task. When in the nineteenth century the study of Judaism was
in some measure revived, the actuating motive was to find in
it the milieu of early Christianity. Gfroerer conceived this
problem historically, and, as we have seen, actually included
his description of the Judaism of that period in his Critical
History of Primitive Christianity. Weber set himself to ex-
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252 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
hibit the system of Palestinian Jewish theology in the first
three or four centuries of our era as the antithesis of Christian
theology and religion as they were taught in certain contempor-
ary German schools. Since Weber the subject has been dealt
with only by New Testament scholars, either with reference to
certain special problems or to a more general understanding of
nascent Christianity. Bousset's Religion des Judentums, which
by its title and scope (including some four centuries), gives
promise of a historical treatment, is in fact — and in the au-
thor's intention — a piece of apparatus for the student of the
New Testament.
The characterization of Judaism in Weber and his followers
is strikingly different from the older apologetic and polemic.
None of the learned adversaries of Judaism in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centiuies, though they knew the literature im-
measurably better than their modem successors, ever suspected
that the Rabbis entertained an 'abstract monotheism' —
whatever that may be — or a transcendent' idea of God as
the Absolute, or, to use the language of men, that in the ex-
travagance of their 'fear of the Lord' they had magnified and
exalted him out of his world, which, like an absentee proprietor,
he administered henceforth by agents. Eisenmenger, who col-
lected with inordinate zeal what he called the foolish and blas-
phemous things that the Jews said about God, never laid this
to their charge. Nowhere, so far as I know, is a suggestion made
that in this respect the Jewish idea of God differed from the
Christian. So it is also with the 'legalism' which for the last
fifty years has become the very definition and the all-sufficient
condemnation of Judaism. It is not a topic of the older polemic;
indeed, I do not recall a place where it is even mentioned.
Concretely, Jewish observances are censured or ridiculed, but
'legaUsm' as a system of religion, not to say as the essence of
Judaism, no one seems to have discovered. This is the more
remarkable because this line of attack might seem to have been
indicated by Paul, and because the earlier Protestant, and
particularly Lutheran controversialists, were peculiarly keen
on the point by reason of their conflict with the Catholic
Church ovep works and merit.
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CHRISTIAN WRITERS ON JUDAISM 258
What then brought legalism to the front in the new apolo-
getic? Not a fresh and more thorough study of Judaism at the
begiiming of our era» but a new apologetic motive, consequent
on a different apprehension of Christianity on the part of the
New Testament theologians who now took up the task. The
'essence' of Christianity, and therefore its specific difference
from Judaism, was for the first time sought in the religion of
Jesus — his teaching and his personal piety. The title of
Bousset's first work, Jesu Predigt in ihrem Gegensatz zum
Judeniumj is the progranune of the younger school. Jesus' con-
flict with the Scribes and Pharisees prescribed for this apolo-
getic the issue of legalism; the 'Father in heaven,' the piety as-
sumed to be distinctive of Jesus and of his teaching, demanded
an antithesis in Judaism, an inaccessible God, which Weber
from his different starting point was supposed to have dem-
onstrated.
In conclusion there is one thing more to be said: Where the
subject of investigation is the relation of primitive Christianity
to its contemporary Judaism, whether the motive be a historical
understanding of nascent Christianity or an apologetic ex-
hibition of the superiority of the religion of Jesus to that of the
Scribes and Pharisees, the critical ordering and evaluation of
the Jewish sources is of much greater importance than when
a general comparison of Judaism and Christianity is proposed,
or even when, as in Weber, the comparison is restricted to the
Palestinian Judaism of three or four centuries following the
Christian era. Upon this critical task, Jewish scholars, with
exhaustive knowledge of the material and through philological
and historical training, have in the last thirty or forty years
done fundamental work. The investigation of the composition
and sources of the Tannaite Midrash, for example, which is
here of primary importance, has a significance comparable to
the criticism of the Synoptic Gospels; and, it may perhaps be
added, its results are established on a more secure basis, ex-
ternal and internal evidence corroborating each other. For
recent Christian writers, however, all this criticism is non-
existent. Even the writings themselves are known only by
name. Bousset writes: ''Die filtesten wesentlich ^alachischen
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254 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Midrasche sind Mechilta (Exodus) » Siphra (Levit.)f Siphre
(Numeri, Deuteron.) lat. Ubersetzung bei TJgolini, Thesaurus
XIV~XV). Auf diese folgen die vorwiegend haggadischen,
daher ftir uns wertvoUeren Rabboth." Although Perles had
made sarcastic comment on it as it stood in the first edition,
this note remains unchanged in the second, perhaps because
Bousset did not see the point of the sarcasm.
After so much criticism it is a welcome change to dose this
article with commendation of a book which, proposing only to
explain and illustrate the most important conceptions and
phrases in the Gospels, gives more than it promises, and shows
how much light may be thrown upon the subject from Rab-
binical sources by a competent scholar, I mean Gustav Dal-
man's Die Worte JesUy mit Beriicksichiigung des nachkano^
nischen jildischen Schrifttuma und der ararrUbischen Sprache
(1898).
APPENDIX
Inasmuch as some of these books are laie^ the titles may be given here in full:
The full title in Giustiniani's edition is : Victoria Porcheti adversus impios Hebraeos,
in qua turn ez sacris libris turn ez dictis Talmud ac Caballistarum et aliorum omnium
quos Hebraei recipiunt monstratur Veritas catholicae fideL Ez reoensione R. P. Aug.
lustiniani ordinis Praedicatorii, episcopi Nebiensis. Francois Regnault. Paris 1580.
It is a folio volume of f . zciiii ( 188 pp.). The author begins (f . ii A) : In nomine dominL
Amen. Incipit liber Victoriae a Porcheto de Saluaticis Genuensi divina fauente gratia
oompilatus ad Judaicam perfidiam subvertendam et ut praestantius Veritas fulgeat
fidei christianae. The work is now very rare. I used a copy in Munich some years ago;
one has recently been acquired by the library of the Jewish Theological Seminary pf
America, in New York.
OalaHmu:
Opus toti christianae Reipublicae mazime utile, de arcanis catholicae veritatis,
contra obstinatissimam ludaeorum nostiae tempestatis perfidiam: ez Talmud, alusque
hebraicis libris nuper ezcerptum et quadriplici linguarum eleganter congestum. The
title page bears no date, but at the end (f. cccz A), we read: Impressum vero Orthonae
maris, siunma cum diligentia per Hieronymum Suncinum: Anno christianae natiuitatis
M.D.XVI11. quintodecimo kalendas martias. On an imaginary edition of Bari 1516
see the article dted in note 8.
Raimundus Martini:
Pugio Fidei Raimundi Martini Ordinis Praedicatorum adversus Mauros et Judaeos;
nunc primum in lucem editus. . . . Ope et Opera Illustrissimi ac Reverendissimi D.
Episcopi Lovensis (Frandscus Bosquet], Illustrissimi Phiesidis D. de Mauasar Comitis
Consistoiiani. Cum observationibus Domini Joe^ho de Voisin Presbyteri, ez-Sena^
toris Burdegalensis. Paris, 1651.
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THE ETHICS AND ESCHATOLOGY OF
METHODIUS OP OLYMPUS
ERNESTO BUONAIUn
Rome, Italt
Among the many problems which confront the historian of
Christian thought and life in the early centuries one of the
most complex and difiScult is that of the relations, practical as
weU as theoretical, between Christianity and asceticism. Since
the age of the Reformation there has been incessant contro-
versy over the question whether the anthropological assump-
tions which underlie ascetic morals — the dualistic conception
of the constitution of human nature and the conviction that
there is an irreconcilable opposition between body and spirit —
are really identical with the principles of Christian anthropology
so that there can be no experience of the gospel message apart
from a radically pessimistic estimate of the possibilities of good
inherent in human nature, and without the acceptance of a
scale of ethical values based upon the progressive stages of an
ascetic discipline.
After centuries of acrimonious theological controversy fo-
mented by prejudices on both sides, we are now perhaps for
the first time in a position to consider objectively the historical
relations between the development of ascetic ideas and the
propagation of the Christian piety, and consequently to solve
satisfactorily the problem of the interaction between asceti-
cism and Christianity.
At the outset we may remark that all recent investigations,
from the epoch-making work of Weingarten to the more recent
studies of Strathmann, Bickel, and Beitzenstein,^ have proved
conclusively that, whether as an individual or an associated
^ Wemgarten, Der Urspning des Mttncfatums. Gotha, 1877. — Strathmann »
Geschichte der frttlicfaristficfaen Aakese bis zur Entstehung des Mfinchtums. I. Die
Askese in der Umgebimg des werdenden Chnstentums. Leipsig, 1914. — Bickel» ' Das
asketische Ideal bei Ambrosius, Hieroiiymus und Augustin,' Neue Jahibttcher fUr das
klassiche Altertum, 1016. — Reitzenstein» Historia Mooachoniin und Historia Lau-
siaca. Eine Studie zur Gresducfate des Mdnchtums und der frtthchristlicfaen B^gri£fe
Gnofltiker und Pneumatiker. Gi$ttingen, 1916.
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256 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
enterprise, asceticism, aiming to nullify the impulses of sense
in the endeavor to achieve the absolute and uncontested su-
premacy of spirit over matter and a complete imperturbability,
had a long history before Christianity and outside of Chris-
tianity; that it was common to various philosophical schools
(Neopythagorean, Stoic, Neoplatonist) and to certain religious
movements (the Karoxol of the Serapeum in Memphis, the
Essenes and Therapeutae) which have nothing in common with
Christianity. It has also been shown that the ideas and lan-
guage of asceticism made their way rather slowly into the
thought and life of Christian society, which at the outset
moved upon a moral plane entirely different from that upon
which men strove by a progressive spiritual training to effect
the annihilation of the energies which give its dramatic char-
acter and charm to life. It is possible also to prove that Chris-
tianity became saturated with ascetic prepossessions in the
precise measure in which the mystical fervor and charismatic
enthusiasm that inspired it in the heroic period of its origins
gradually declined.
In thus affirming that between asceticism and primitive
Christianity there was no decisive affinity, ideal or practical,
that the two movements proceeded from contradictory theoreti-
cal presuppositions and tended to entirely different ends, it is
not meant to deny that the message of Christian salvation
implies a renunciation of lower modes of life and a reversal of
ideas of value far more profound and effective than those
actuated by ascetic ideals. Moreover, while the Christian re-
nunciation springs from a sudden inner metamorphosis, a
radical /xcr&i'oia, through which the individual, transfigured
by the experience of his calling and of his spiritual transfor-
mation, immersed in the spirit, becomes incapable of any more
fulfilling or consenting to the desires and inclinations of the
flesh, the painful ascetic training, not sustained by warm mys-
tical fervor nor guided by an eager messianic-eschatological
expectation, makes the impression rather of being the doubtful
result of a strenuous rational effort and of an aristocratic re-
finement of temper which never succeeded in communicating
itself to the masses or of becoming a factor in great sociid
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METHODIUS OF OLYMPUS 257
changes. The Christian renunciation is larger and more com-
plete than the ascetic renunciation; but while the former has
its origin in an intense charismatic conmiotion and its consum-
mation in the joy of a psychical transfiguration, the latter has
its roots in a profoundly pessimistic estimation of life and its
destiny, and by its endeavor after d^dtfcta condemns itself to
barrenness.
The historical process lasting several centuries through
which, for the original values of grtcrrts, iitriLPoia and xap&>
Christian apologetic eventually substituted those of yvSxriSy
iaKTiais and iyKpLrtia was only the ethical reflection of a much
larger process through which the Christian movement, origi-
nally a movement of a small minority dreaming of a cosmic
palingenesis, was transformed into an official religion pro-
fessed by the whole population, in which the heroic ideals came
to be specially reserved for individuals who aspired to attain
for themselves that rcXcicucrts which at the outset was the
peremptory obligation of all the &7tot.
Outside of the New Testament literature and that of the
post-apostolic age, the author from whose writings we can
gather most clearly at once the affinities and the differences
between the ascetic attitude and the specifically Christian as-
pirations and experiences is Methodius of Olympus, the Anato-
lian martyr of the Maximinian persecution, who on the eve of
Constantine's reform seems to reproduce in his mystical writ-
ings the most vivid and enthusiastic traits of the primitive
eschatological expectation. Bonwetsch's recent excellent edi-
tion ' of all the extant works of this exceptional author of the
beginning of the fourth century enables us to study in its
entirety, we may say, his ethical thought, and the profound
and original way in which he integrated it with his hopes and
with his historical and social ideas.
' Bonwetsch, Methodius. Leipzig, 1917. Bonwetsch devoted many yean while
teaching at the University of Doipat to the works of Methodius. In 1891 he published
a German translation of the Paleoslavic Ck>rpus Methodianum, and subsequently pub-
lished a study on Methodius's theology (Die Theologie des Methodius. Berlin, 1908)
in which the problem examined in the present article received somewhat scant atten-
tion. See also Bonwetsch's article on Methodius in the Beal-EncydopSdie fUr pro-
testantische Theologie und Kirche. Third edition, «. o.
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At first sight the fate of Methodius in the literary history of
the fourth century is surprising. Though an elegant and skil-
ful writer, with a rich and deep religious experience, wearing the
halo of martyrdom, he nevertheless did not receive from his
contemporaries and immediate successors the recognition and
appreciation which his literary productiveness and his heroic
place in the history of the Church would have abundantly de-
served. Adamantius reproduces large extracts from Metho-
dius ir€pl Tov airre^virlov and from his vtpl iyafrriureooSf but takes
good care not to name their author. Eusebius also quotes a
considerable passage from the former of these two writings,
but attributes it to Maximus (De Plraeparatione Evangelica
vii. 22) ; in Eusebius's historical works the name of Methodius
never occurs. Only from Jerome do we learn that in the sixth
book of his Apology for Origen, Eusebius leveled at Methodius
the same reproach which Rufinus addressed to Jerome him-
self: ^'Quomodo ausus est Methodius nunc contra Origenem
scribere, qui haec et haec de Origenis locutus est dogmatibus"
(Contra Rufinum i. 11). And it is only in Jerome's De Viris
Hlustribus (88), in a paragraph which is evidently not taken
like the rest from Eusebius, that we find the single notice —
distorted and anachronistic, at that — which we possess about
the bishop of Olympus: "Methodius, Olympi Lyciae et postea
Tyri episcopus, nitidi compositique sermonis adversus Por-
phyrium confedt libros et Symposium decem Virginum, de
Resurrectione opus egregium contra Origenem, et adversus
eundem de Pythonissa, et de airr^oixrlq,, in Genesim quoque
et in Cantica Canticorum commentarios, et multa alia quae
vulgo lectitantur. Et ad extremum novissimae persecutionis,
sive ut aJii affirmant sub Decio et Valeriano, in Chalcide Grae-
ciae martyrio coronatus est.**
When we recall, however, the sharply anti-Origenistic atti-
tude of the martyr bishop, and on the other hand the deeply
rooted Origenistic sympathies which characterized the pro-
ductions of the most eminent representatives of ecclesiastical
culture in Syria and Anatolia in the Constantinian epoch, and
above all of Eusebius of Caesarea, we can easily understand
how the posthumous fame of Methodius was eclipsed, and as
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METHODIUS OP OLYMPUS 259
easily recognize the reasons why he enjoyed especial favor with
Epiphanius, who praises him highly and quotes him copiously
in his PanarUm. This gives all the more reason to inquire how
it came that the great ideals of renunciation which Origen had
extolled and practised and Methodius had taken up to exalt
with characteristic fervor appealed in the case of the two men
to anthropol(^cal presuppositions and eschatolc^cal visions
so diverse and contradictory.
Among the various forms and manifold elements of renuncia-
tion, virginal continence is intuitive, and naturally holds the
first place. The principal dialogue of Methodius, the Sym-
posium, or TTcpt iyvtlas, conceived and written after Platonic
patterns, is a formal panegyric of virginity. Methodius imagines
how Gregorium, ^the vigilant,' repeats to him the eulogies
which were pronounced by ten virgins in the garden of Arete,
extolling the virtue of immaculate chastity. The palm in this
pious competition is bestowed on Theda, who at the dose of
the Symposium sings a hynm to Christ the bridegroom, in
which the author evidently intended to summarize in a series
of stanzas ' the way in which he himself regarded virginity in
the cluster of Christian virtues and in the general scheme of
Christian development in the life of this world. The hynm has
a recurring refrain:
I consecrate myself to thee, O Bridegroom, and holding lamps * that give
light I go to meet thee.
There are stanzas in this hymn from which it is manifest that
Methodius was fully aware that his teaching concerning Chris-
tian perfection represented something new and unfamiliar in
the Christian practice of his time, and something which is
authorized only by a revived fervor of messianic expectation.
From above, O Virgins, comes the sound of a cry, the sound that raises the
dead, saying, 'Go forth, all of you, to meet the bridegrooms in white robes and
with your lamps, to the rising of the sun. Arise before the King comes to
enter within the gates.'
' The rhythm of this poem has been anatysed by W. Meyer, Gesammette Abhand-
hmgen sur mittdlatein. Rhythmik. ii (1905).
* The reference is, of couiae, to the parable of the wise and foolish virgins whose
lamps did or did not give light. — Ed.
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260 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
I flee from the happiness of mortals with all its sorrow, from the vduptu-
ousness of life and from the sweets of love,* and I long to be held in thy life-
giving arms and forever to see thy beauty, O Blessed One.
For thee, O King, have I left the mortal oouch of marriage and my g<dden
home and have oome in spotless garments that I too may come with thee to
enter into thy blessed chambers.
I have escaped the myriad enchanting wiles of the serpent and I have en-
dured the flame of Aire and the manslaying onslaughts of wild beasts, and I
wait for thee from heaven.
I have forgotten my country, O Logos, and I long for thy grace: I have
forgotten also the company of the Virgins that are my fellows,* the pride of
my mother and my race, for thou, O Christ, art all things to me.
Giver of life art thou, O Christ, hail to thy light that knows no evening time.
Do thou receive this cry: the company of Virgins entreats thee, O Flower of
Perfection, Love, Joy, Prudence, Wisdom, Logos.
The hymn to Christ runs on for several stanzas more and
then turns to the bride, the Church. Methodius is conscious
that he is employing language strange to the community of
the faithful and expressing forgotten conceptions and ideals.
His song takes on a more fervid and elevated tone.
In hymns, O Blessed bride of God, we, thy attendants of the bride-
chamber, honor thee now, O undefiled Virgin, Church with snow-white body»
with dark hair, chaste, spotless, lovely.
Corruption has fled away and the tearful labors of disease. Death has
been taken away and all folly has perished. Grief that wastes men's minds
has perished and the joy of God has suddenly shone on mortals.
Paradise is no longer bereft of mortals, for again, as formerly, by divine
decree there inhabits it he who fell by the manifold wiles of the seipent, in*
corruptible, without fear, blessed.
Singing the new song ^ the company of Virgins brings thee to heaven, O
Queen; thou art full of light, and they are crowned with the white flowers
of lilies and bear in their hands the flajnes that give light.
O Blessed One, who inhabitest the undefiled seats of heaven, thou who
art without beginning, who govemest all things by eternal power, receive
within the gates of life us, too, O Father, with thy Son, for we are come.*
On the siu*face the eulogy lavished by Methodius upon
virginity, of which this hymn is only the loftiest expression,
may seem not to diflFer greatly from the ascetic theories which
about a century before had been so clearly formulated by the
two great Alexandrian Christian writers, Clement and Origen.
* Aooepting Meyer's emendation. — Ed.
* The imagery here changes to that of Ptolm 45, 11 ff. — Ed.
^ The reference is to Rev. 5, and Paahn 45. — Ed.
* 3ympo8ium xi. ed Bonwetsch, pp. 181-183, 180.
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METHODroS OF OLYMPUS 261
But when the mystical doctrines set forth by Methodius in
the TTcpl d7)'€tas are brought into connection with the anthro-
pological and eschatological views defended in the xcpl di^acrri-
creeps,* we immediately perceive the radical difference in the
points of view from which spring on one side the asceticism of
Origen and on the other the mystical enthusiasm of the Ana-
tolian bishop.^® The vepl ivaariarfois is a polemical treatise
directed against the Origenists. Methodius imagines that at
Patara, in the house of a physician, Aglaophones, the question
is discussed whether the flesh really participates in the joys
of the resurrection and of immortality. Two of the interlocu-
tors, the host Aglaophones and Plroclus, agree with Origen in
denying to the human body, such as has lived here on earth, any
capacity to share with the spirit the blessed life. Methodius
on the contrary, contends that the same human body which
has passed from the world to the triumph of incorruptibility
will joyfully participate in that life. With an eschatological
outlook which reminds us of that of the first Christian genera-
tions, Methodius maintains that the sensible universe is not so
radically corrupted as not to be able to enter as an int^ral
element into the palingenesis through which the glory of the
' Of the v€pl kfoarhcwf we have only the ezoeipts of the onginal Giedc text in
Epq>h«nh]8 and Adamanthis, but we poasefls the whole dialogue in a Paleoslavic ver-
sion, a German translation of ^rfiich was published by Bonwetsch in his edition of
Methodius's Worics, pp. 817-424.
1^ In the 3ynipoBium, Methodius' eschatological doctrine is less prominent because
the aigument itself, that is to say the over-valuation of virginity, did not pennit em-
phasis on an (Optimistic view of the bodily nature of man. This may explain why, be-
sides its literaiy exoellenoe, the Symposium was the onty woric of Methodius which
became veiy pc^nlar and exerted a wide influence on Christian literature. It has been
remarked (6. La Piana, Le Rappresentaxioni sacre nella letteratura Bisantina. Rome,
1912, pp. 107 f.) that the whole Christian literaiy tradition (poetical, homiktical and
thecJogical) dealing with the theories and the practice of Christian virginity in genetal,
and with the Virgin Mary as the typical example of this exalted state, has borrowed
frc»n Methodius not only a great deal of its content and of its biblical exegesis on this
virtue, but even of its terminology. In a large number of sermons to which La Fiana
gave the title of Dramatic H<Mnilies, under whidi they are now classified in the history
of Christian literature, the mfliM>n^ of Methodius's Symposium is evident almost in
every line; cf . the Hiymn to virginity reconstructed by La Fiana from the '^itAiium
els riif BwrUom attributed to Produs of Constantinople, iriiidi is merely a poetical
summary of the ten speeches of the virgins in Methodius's Qsrmposnun. (flp. mL» pp.
«MHM1 and 106-160.)
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262 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
triumphant Christ is revealed, and that in it man with his
corporeal nature is not the expression of evil and perversion,
but represents a work of the divine artist which only needs to
be slightly retouched to be fit to enjoy without limit the bless-
ing and the joy of the Father.
For when he saw man, his fairest work, corrupted by malignant plots of
envy, he could not endure to leave him thus, such was his love of man, that
man might not endure blame forever or his fault remain immortal, but he
dissolved him into matter once more that all the faults which were in him
might perish and disappear when he was f<nined af resh.^
In the eyes of Methodius, therefore, death is not as it was in
Origen's conception the destruction of this foul bodily prison
in which the soul is confined in expiation of an original sinful
will to be embodied; it is rather the open passageway towards
a providential restitution of the organism, which is called to a
loftier destiny. In opposition to the pessimistic abhorence of
matter in which the asceticism of the Alexandrians delighted,
Methodius vindicates the fundamental goodness of corporeal
nature. Replying directly to an argument of Origen, he reasons
that if, as Origen maintains, everything that is generated is
diseased because it has needs and appetites, while only that is
sound which experiences neither, and consequently man, who
is generated, cannot be free from affections and immortal, it
follows that angels and souls, which also are originated, are in
the same case and will therefore perish. But neither angels nor
souls perish, for they are immortal and indestructible as their
Creator meant them to be. Therefore man also is inmiortal.^'
By this acute argurrventum ad hominem Methodius aims to
demonstrate how fallacious and whoUy contradictory Origen's
attitude is in his estimate of the part assigned to matter in the
plan of salvation.
He does not stop, however, with the negative side of his
demonstration but, starting from one of the most typical
features of Pauline eschatology, he rises to a grandiose vision
of the intimate participation of all sensible nature in the joy
of the messianic restitution*
" De ResanectiQDe i, 4S, 8; Bonwetsch, p. 891.
ttn)id.,i,47,l-«.
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METHODroS OF OLYMPUS 263
Nor is the statement satisfactory that everything will be utterly destroyed,
and that earth, air, and heaven will no longer exist. The whole world will,
indeed, be deluged with descending fire and be burnt out for purification and
renewal, but it will not come to complete destruction and ruin. For if it were
better for the world not to be rather than to be, why did God make the in-
ferior choice in creating the world? No! God made nothing vainly or badly.
Therefore God ordered the creation to exist and to remain, as Wisdom also
confirms saying, 'For God created all things to have their being and the gen-
erations of the world were healthful and there is no poison of destruction in
them.' Paul also clearly testifies to this saying, 'For the earnest expectation
of creation waiteth for the revelation of the sons of God. For the creation
was subject to vanity not willingly but by reason of him who subjected it in
hope, that the creation itself mi^ be set free from the bondage of corruption
to the freedom of the glory of the children of (jod/ For, he says, the creation
was subjected to vanity but is waiting to be set free from such bondage, and
thus indicates tfast"by the creation he means this world. For it is not the
things which are not seen that are in bondage to abruption but these visible
things. So then the creation will remain'* at the resurrection, renewed to a
better and more beautiful state, glad and rejoicing over the children for whom
it now groans and travaib and is itself waiting for our redemption from the
corruption of the body, that when we have been raised up and have shaken
off the mortality of the fiesh according to that which is written^ 'Shake off
the dust and rise and sit, O Jerusalem,' and when we have been set free from
sin, the creation itself shall be set free from corruption, no longer in bondage
to vanity but to righteousness.'^
The Christian chiliasts of the second century, of whom
Papias and Irenaeus are the most explicit and authoritative
representatives, had concentrated their mystical religious ex-
pectations in a scheme of cosmic palingenesis which should
bring to the elect a blessedness embracing their whole being,
gladdened by the rejuvenation and the exuberant fruitfulness
of material nature. This serene vision had given them courage
to sustain the struggle with the pagan world. Now, at the
dawn of the fourth century, after the ingenuous idealism of
primitive Christianity had been followed by the deadening
constructions of the Gnostics and of Alexandrian speculation,
Methodius revived the joyous idea of the millenium, and by
reflex effect his own Christian experience became more pro-
found, more heroic, more conscious that it could not be reduced
to the values and perspectives of the world. In all his argu-
mentation Methodius pursues the spiritualizing eschatology of
" It seems more probable that the text should be ftrntt rather than /thei, — Ed.
>< n>id., i, 47, S-«; Bonwetach, pp. »7H»9.
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264 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Origen for the purpose of confuting and dispelling it. 'How
then, our opponents say, if the universe is not destroyed, did
Christ say that heaven and earth shall pass away, and the
prophet that the heaven shall be dissolved like smoke and the
earth grow old like a garment?' Methodius' acute reply is:
'It is the manner of scripture to use the word destruction
(dTcbXcta) for the transformation (jierafioKn) of the present con-
stitution of the world into something better and more glorious,
the previous form perishing in the change of all things into a
more splendid state." " Thus, according to Methodius, when we
read in the scriptures of a ruin of the material universe we are
to think of a providential palingenesis, wherein the animate
and inanimate creation shall be raised in a state of existence
which, while not abolishing the fundamental characteristics of
the present world, exalts and ameliorates them in the highest
degree. Methodius triumphantly concludes his argument
against Origen by declaring confidently that, inasmuch as all
things were essentially good when they proceeded from the
creative hand of God, man also, such as he is, made up of soul
and body, constitutes a nature in itself good, which shall partic-
ipate in the joy of the immortal life with all the elements of its
composite being, excluding none.^*
These eloquent extracts from the two principal writings of
Methodius may suffice to show the importance of the author
in the development of ethical and metaphysical ideas at the
dawn of the fourth century. They also give additional evidence
of the profound interaction between ethics and eschatology.
Morality is the more elevated and the more heroic, the more
closely it is linked to an intense expectation of an impending
providential revolution which shall give a new direction to the
course of events and make a final end of the injustices and de-
fects which exist, by its very constitution, in every social organ-
ization. In the midst of the portentous effort which Christian
society was making in the fourth century to reduce the gospel
proclamation to the formulas of a shallow and conservative
religion, capable of adapting itself to circumstances and making
» Ibid., i, 48» 1-ft.
>• Ibid., i, 50.
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METHODroS OF OLYMPUS 265
compromises with them, the position of Methodius seems like
the last anachronistic survival of that call to heroism which had
been common in primitive Christianity and had been nurtm^ed
and supported by the great chiliastic dream. And whereas at
the dose of the fourth century, with Epiphanius and Jerome,
ascetic practice and the doctrine of the resurrection of the flesh
appear as the definitive reconciliation of an extra-Christian
ascesis with a form of eschatology which is a substitute for
primitive chiliasm, in the age of Diocletian and of Maximin the
bishop of Olympus, candidate for martyrdom, delivers to
Christian society the last challenge to the perfect renunciation
under the simple stimulus of an enthusiastic faith in the restora-
tion of the universe in the joy and freedom of the sons of God.
In place of this, only a few years later than Methodius,
shortly after the victory of Licinius over Maximin, Eusebius of
Caesarea established among Christians a dichotomy, which,
while destined to have a clamant success in the subsequent
evolution of Christian society, unquestionably represented the
radical rejection of that programme of perfection which, ac-
cording to the majority of Christian authors before Constan-
tine, should have been the irremovable goal of every believer,
who by definition and vocation was rectos. In the Demon*
stratio Evangelica Eusebius wrote:
... 'So that even for the Church of Christ rules have been laid down
for two ways of life. The one is above nature and beyond ordinary human life;
it admits neither marriage nor the begetting of children nor the acquirement
or retenti<m of pn^>erty; it changes the ordinary and accustomed behavior
of all men from beginning to end and makes them live for the service of God
alone in the strength of heavenly love. Those who change over to this way
seem to be dead to the life of mortals, and do but carry their body on earth
for their soul has been translated in spirit to heaven. Like dwellers in heaven
they look at the life of men, consecrated for the whole race to the God who
is over all . . . not by animal sacrifices and blood nor by libations and sweet
savor of offerings . . . but by sound doctrines of true piety and the disposi-
tion of a purified soul, and further by virtuous deeds and words. In this way,
propitiating the divinity, they perform a priestly office in their own behalf
and in behalf of others.' Such is the perfect way of Christian life. There is,
however, Eusebius continues, another way, more within ordinary human
capacity, which does not demand the abandonment of the rights and duties
that belong to the political and social life of mankind. To contract marriage,
have chfldren, attend to business, faithfully obey the laws of the state, and
in all spheres fulfil the tasks of a normal citizen — these are all things per-
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266 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
fectly compatible with the Christian profession, provided with them be
joined the strenuous purpose to maintain piety and devotion to the Lord.
Christianity accepts as wholly praiseworthy this second rule of life also, in
order that no dass of men and no group of peoples may imagme themselves
deprived of the eminent benefits of the 'saving manifestation' of ChrisL^'
Thus Eusebius, the future counsellor of Constantine, for-
mulated that distinction between precepts and counsels in
which the ethics of collective Christianity were ever thereafter
to find their basis. Origen, aiso, had distinguished among
Christians ttpoktikoL from decafyqTiKol, but to the former had as-
signed as the proper place for them only the forecourt of the
temple, while to the temple itself he granted access only to the
pure. Eusebius, now, having regard to the pressing exigencies
of a Christianity which by the very fact that it now aspired
to be the religion of the majority was constrained to mitigate
its primitive moral programme, combines in the same Christian
profession the two categories of believers. It is easy to under-
stand how in his eyes the exalted mysticism of Methodius and
his attempt to reanimate the enthusiasm of the Christian re-
nunciation by reviving the fervor of chiliastic expectation
must have seemed like the vain self-deception of a man hope-
lessly behind the times. The historian who had described the
ancient Papias of Hieropolis as a man 'scant of brains' could
not have looked with complacency upon his successor in the
foiulh century. Methodius had to wait long decades before
he foimd in Epiphanius an adequate appreciation of his doc-
trine of the resurrection of the flesh, although even in the
Panarion the bishop of Salamis takes pains to purge his anti-
Origenistic thought of the suspicion of chiliasm.
Christian society after Constantine found it most convenient
to adopt the sharp distinction Eusebius made between the two
different ways in which it is possible to live according to the
gospel. But in the course of the centuries every revival of the
religious spirit finds itself carried back to the mystical concep-
tion of the earliest Christian generations for which the message
of Christ could be taken in only one possible way, in that,
namely, which demands renunciation of the world in the ex-
pectation of perfect righteousness.
>v Demonstratio Evangelica, i, 8.
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AMERICAN THEISTS
JOHN l^BIGHT BUCKHAM
Bebxsubt, Caufobnia
The problem of the existence and nature of God, remote and
oppressive though it is to some minds, to others is of all ques-
tions the most urgent and engaging. It has had its fascination
for the mind of America, as for that of all intelligent peoples. .
Among the outstanding names in American theism one of
the first to attract the student is that of Theodore Parker
(1810-1800), transcendentalist and theist.^ His is a theologi-
cal rather than a philosophical theism. Indeed for him theism
meant theology^ a reasonable theology as over against the rigid
orthodoxy which he combats. He dwelt in that cosmically dim
hour before the dawn of evolution, and argued for a minutely
fore-known universe, of which God "knew perfectly all the
actions, movements and history, at the moment of creation as
well as today," < anid by his "" infinite engineering brought them
to pass without infringing upon freedom/' In his roseate theo-
dicy God created man and nature "from a perfect motive, of
perfect material, for a perfect purpose, and as perfect means to
achieve that purpose." He expunges the stigma of imperfec-
tion and evil from the present order by positing a future of
unending bliss for every creature as well as for every man. Such
assimiptions mark the preacher rather than the philosopher.
And yet there is in his Sermons on Theism (1858) a tide of con-
viction, a largeness of outlook, and a sense of ultimate values,
which cannot be dismissed as mere sentiment. It is true that
some of his arguments fall upon the modern mind with an un-
deniable antiquity of accent. They are as the idle wind which
it respects not. But the sweep of his faith in a "Father-
Mother" God, the breadth of his sympathy, the glow of his
imagination, the strength of his conviction, still speak from his
^ Frottama Caldeoott tenns him "the oaoft confident intuitionalist I can find amoe
Herbert" PkUo9ophy rf ReUifion, p. 09.
* Vieum cf BeUgioH^ p. 100.
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268 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
highly-colored pages, as they did from his famous pulpit, with
the power of permanent worth.
The year 1881 witnessed the publication of two volumes of
exceptional character in the field of Theism, Diman's The
Theistic Argument and Mulford's The Repttblic of God.
3. Lewis Diman, the author of The Theistic Argument was
from 1864 imtil his death in 1881 Professor of History and Polit-
ical Economy in Brown University. Before that time he had
been in the Christian ministry, having spent two years in Ger-
many, mainly engaged in the study of Kant. His interest in
philosophy was life-long, and when in 1880 he was invited to
deliver a course of lectures before the Lowell Institute on its
foundation of Natural Religion, he found himself drawn to the
subject of Theism.
The course opened with a discussion of the relativity of
knowledge, in which the author concludes that "while we con-
ceive that the Absolute cannot be known as the product of any
inductive or deductive reasoning from the phenomena pre-
sented to the senses, we affirm that it is and can be known as
the correlate which must be necessarily assumed to explain and
account for those phenomena.'' ' He then presents in free and
compact form the several classic arguments for the existence of
Grod, throwing the whole burden of proof upon none of them,
but treating them all as '"but stages in a single rational process
and parts of one comprehensive proof." ^ The knowledge of
God, he holds, grows with us as we grow. Nor is God a distant
Being. "We know him simply and naturally as we know our
fellow men." »
The part which intuition plays in this growing knowledge of
God is described thus:
Whfle we had no hesitation in rejecting intuition as an exclusive and im-
mediate source of ova belief in the divine existence, we recogniise intuition as
essential to the completeness of the theistic argument ... as a part of
cognition, as the final and legitimate step to which the intellectual process
leads.*
The question arises whether intuition, as a cognitive act of the
whole personality, does not also initiate the knowledge of God
* Tk$ ThMio Argutneid, p. 04. ■ Ihid.^ p. 79.
« AuL, p. 78. • Ibid^p p. S17.
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AMERICAN THEISTS 269
ratiocination serving to ratify and confirm that which intuition
seizes.
Professor Diman's theism was supplemented and surpassed
— at least in the extent of its influence — by the well-known
author of The Nationy Elisha Mulford> in The Republic of OodJ
He was the author of but two voliunes, but these, the fruit of
long study and reflection, gave him a deep and lasting influence
upon American thought. The Nation (1870) — rewritten, Mr.
H. E. Scudder states, seven times, beside subsequent altera-
tions in correcting the proof — ^ has taken rank as one of the
major treatises on the American theory of the state.
The Republic of Ood (1881) has an atmosphere of its own in
American theological literature. After the tiunult and shout-
ing of the polemic period of theology it came with the elemoital
calm and persuasiveness of pure, rational conviction. It does
not strive nor cry, neither does it argue nor dogmatize. Its
stately and matiu-e affirmations carry the weight of sincere and
ripe reflection. It is the Fourth Gospel among American
theologies. It grounds theism in consciousness, whence it can-
not be dislodged.
The being of God is the precedent and the postulate of the thought of God.
It is the ground in man of his conscious life. From the beginning, and with
the growth of the human consciousness, there is the consdousness of the be*
ing of God, and of a relation to God.*
The chapter, "The Personality of God," did much to lift the
conception of personality to its true level. "There is in per-
sonality," wrote Dr. Mulford, "the highest that is within the
knowledge of man. It is the steepest summit toward which we
move in our attainment. • . . The personality of God does
not involve limitation. The only limitation is self -limitation —
the limit which it sets in its own self-determination." ^^ Such
' Elisha Mulford was bom in Montrose, Pa., in 1888, and died in Cambridge^ Mass.
in ISSff. like Diman he was a student of philosophy. He graduated at Yak GJlege,
studied at Union and Andover Seminaries, and at HsUe and Heidelberg Universities,
was ordained as an Episcopal minister and served several parishes* In 18B1 he re-
moved to Cambridge and delivered courses of lectures on theology at the Episcopal
Divinity SchooL
* See his artide on Elisha Mulford m the ili2afi<»eirofi(A^,lvii, 80S.
• BepuUie(fOod,p.l. ^o Ihid^ pp. ftSHtS (first editicm).
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270 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
words have become familiar to us in the present century. But
at the time>and in the fuUness of the realization of their import
in which they were written, they meant much. The discussion
of the divine attributes also shows how far this emancipated
thinker had risen above the conventional scholasticism of
Protestant theology.
The impression which Mulf ord made upon American theology
is comparable in some respects, though less in degree, to that
of Maurice in England, by whom he was greatly influenced.
One may readily detect the impact of Coleridge upon his
thought and style. And yet there is nothing whatever of im-
itation, for upon every page one can discern freedom and origi-
nality of thought and expression."
Both Diman and Mulford wrote in the philosophic temper,
and made contributions of value to theism, but neither pre-
sented what could be called an exhaustive treatment of the
subject. This remained to be done by Professor Samuel Harris,
whose sterling volume, The Philosophical Boats of Theism
(1888), takes rank, as on the whole the leading American work
on this subject. It is to be hoped that Yale University, mother
of theologians, will sometime see that there is an adequate
biography of this comprehensive and independent thinker,
eminent among her great teachers, and regarded with admira-
tion and gratitude by his students."
The Philosophical Basis of Theism bears evidence of years
of toil and reflection. It shows a thoroughly comprehensive
and well-digested knowledge of the literature of philosophy, as
well as a wide acquaintance with general literature. It is clear
" A biographical sketch of Dr. Mulford and hia work, by Dr. T. T. Munger, may
be found in The Century Magazine, ziii, 888.
^' Samuel Hairia came of a Maine fotmily, and was bom in East Marhiaa, June 14,
1814. He graduated from Bowdoin College in 1883 and from Andover Theological
Seminary in 1888. He was a Congregational pastor until 1855, when he became pro-
fessor of Systematic Theology in Bangor Theological Seminary. In 1887 he was caUed
to the presidency of Bowdoin College, and in 1871 became Dwight Professor of Sys-
tematic Theology in the Yale Divinity School, continuing in this <^oe until he was
made professor emeritus in 1896. His death occurred in 1890. His portrait, together
with those of Dr. C. C. Everett, H. B. Smith, and other Maine theofegians, may be
found in an artide by W. L Cole, 'Maine in Literature,' New EngUmd Magasine,
August 1890.
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AMERICAN THEISTS 271
as well as profound in thought, and is written with an ease and
a strength of sustained interest which are too rare in such
treatises.
Starting with the assumption that if theism is to stand the
test of rational criticism it must be grounded on a broad philo-
sophical basis. Professor Harris introduces his work with a
careful study of the nature and reality of knowledge. He bases
the reliability of knowledge upon its self -evidencing character.
Although admitting that ""in human inteUigence there is a
nucleus of knowledge surrounded by a zone of probability,
opinion and doubt," i* he r^ards this nucleus as having the
character of genuine knowledge, and hence as wholly trust-
worthy. In common with practically all apologetic writers of
that period, he directs his criticism of Agnosticism against
Herbert Spencer, its arch-proponent, who has served innum-
erable philosophers and theologians as a piice de resistance
by means of whom a new sense of confidence in the reliability
of spiritual knowledge was gained.
Harris divides the acts and processes of knowing into three
classes: Intuition, Representation, and Reflection. Intuition
is immediate and self-evident knowledge. It exists in two forms
Perception, or Presentative Intuition, and Rational Intuition.
The former includes sense-perception and self-consciousness.
It gives us the objects or particular realities about which we
think. Rational Intuition is the immediate and self-evident
knowledge of imiversal truths or principles. Representation
is knowledge of a reality originally presented in intuition and
now re-presenied in a mental image or concept. Reflection or
Thought is the reflex action of the intellect attending to the
reality known in presentative intuition, and apprehending,
differentiating, and integrating it (thesis, antithesis, synthesis)
under the regulation of the principles known in rational intui-
tions, and concluding in a judgment.
On the surface this looks not a little like the Intuitionism of
the Scotch school, supplemented by Hegelianism. But closer
scrutiny reveals the difference. In his Intuitions of the Mind,
McCosh wrote:
^ PkUoiopkieal Bans cf Theism, p. 22.
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272 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Our mtuitive oanvictionfl are thus not ideas, notions, judgments, formed
apart from objects, but are in effect discoveries of something in objects or
relating to them. . . . Intuitively the mind contemplates an event happen-
ing in time, and then by a further process arrives at the notion of time. The
mind has not intuitively an idea of cause or causation in the abstract, but
discovering a given effect, it looks for a specific cause.^*
This is evidently far removed from Harris's epistemology.
Indeed we have here all the difiFerence between Idealism and
Realism.
In his treatment of Rational Intuition, by which comes the
knowledge of God> Professor Harris seeks first of all to estab-
lish the validity of Reason. He meets the objection that Reason
breaks down in self-contradictions by showing that Kent's
antinomies, rightly understood, are not contradictions, but
opposite poles of bi-polar truth." They became contradictions
for Kant *^ because of his phenomenalism; his antithesis of
phenomenon and noumenon is so complete that they are recip-
rocally exclusive and therefore contradictory/' *•
Rational Intuition reveals five unchanging forms, under
which (since the Universe is grounded in Reason) all existences
may be subsumed: the True, the contrary of which is the Ab-
surd; the Right, the contrary of which is the Wrong; the Per-
fect, the contrary of which is the Imperfect; the Good, the
contrary of which is the Unworthy or Evil; the Absolute (or
Unconditioned), the contrary of which is the Finite (or Con-
ditioned) . The first four are the norms or standards of Reason.
The fifth, as the Unconditioned and All-conditioning, stands
by itself and is the basis of Theology. ^^
Rational Intuition does not give the knowledge of Being but
only of its unchanging forms. Knowledge of Being is given by
Pr^sentative Intuition :
The intuition that Absolute Being must exist presupposes the knowledge
of beings. Beings are already known to esdst; thus Season sees that a Being
that is absolute and unconditioned must esdst.". . . The idea of God has con*
tent in consciousness through five ultimate ideas of the reason, and not as
Kant holds, through the Practical Reason alone.^
This account of the forms of Rational Intuition is manifestly
^« Fut I, Book i. Section iv. ^^ Ibid^ p. 181.
i> Op. eiL, p. 180. " Ibid^ p. 181.
u Md., p. 181. » Ibid^ p. 288.
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AMERICAN THEISTS 27S
open to criticism. The Good and the Perfect are too closely
akin to admit of clear demarcation; the Perfect and the Ab-
solute have too much in common to warrant separate classifica-
tion. The present-day psychologist would doubtless belittle
the whole attempt as having been rendered irrelevant by psy-
chology. But the last word on that subject has not been spoken.
A discussion of Personality ensues upon the foregoing. Pro-
fessor Harris defines personality thus: "A Person is a being
conscious of self, subsisting in individuality and identity, and
endowed with intuitive reason, rational sensibility and free-
will.'' ^^ The will is the person's power of self-determination.
The determinations of the will are of two kinds. Choice and
Volition. Man is self-covidiliomng. God alone is se^-existent
and independent, unconditioned and all-conditioning.
After an extended refutation of materialistic objections to
the existence of personal beings (Chapter xvii), the author
introduces a chapter on "The Two Systems of Nature and
Personality,'' thus aligning himself with James Marsh and the
Coleridgeans. His final emphasis is upon the existence of
God as necessary to the trustworthiness of the human reason,
the community of human knowledge, and the completeness of
human thought, since it combines knowledge of all particulars
in the unity of an all-comprehending system.^
Hie somewhat abstract character of this discussion was sup-
plemented by Harris's companion volume. The Self-Revelation
of Ood (1886), in which emphasis is laid upon the experiential
nature of the knowledge of God. Revelation is here treated,
not according to the older idea of an external datum, but as
self-disclosure, such as Personality naturally makes of itself to
others. In the case of the Supreme Person, revelation makes
use of the structure and course of nature, the constitution and
history of man, and redemption through Christ. The idea of
God as Absolute Being is retained, but the predominant con-
ception is that of Personal Spirit.
These two volumes, with a third, Ood, the Creator and Lord
of AU (1896), form an institute of Theism rarely equalled in
«» /6id^ p. 408.
» AuL, pp. MO, Ml.
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274 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
scope, balance, and sustained strength, and in the hannonizing
of philosophical and theological thought.
In marked contrast with the voluminous Philosophical
Theism of Professor Harris is the succinct and dramatic Cosmic
Th^m of John Fiske, who approached the subject from the
angle of the scientist rather than that of the theologian or
philosopher. Tjhe inclusion of John Fiske among the leading
American theists may seem to be a case of a scientific Saul
among the theological prophets. Whether his r61e were such
or not, there can be little doubt that at a time when — owing
to the materialistic interpretation of evolution — Christian
theism in America was threatened with abandonment by a
host of thoughtful minds, it was he more than any other
writer, who turned back the tide.
An instructive experience, singularly characteristic of his
time, fitted Mr. Fiske for this task. It may be traced with
clearness in the pages of his biography .^^ Branded as an infidel
and skeptic by his minister, and virtually excommunicated as
a boy from the orthodox church of Middletown, Cbnn., for
having in his library volimies by Voltaire, Comte, Strauss, and
John Stuart Mill; regarded for a time at Harvard Collie as a
dangerous radical; his volume Cosmic EvolvMon greeted by the
religious press as the work of an enemy of religion, Mr. Fiske
knew what it meant to feel the f uU force of the odium theotogt"
cum. And yet he was neither embittered by it nor deflected
from his course. Having become an admirer and apostle of
Herbert Spencer in his student days, and continuing such after
mature study and reflection, he became the leading exponent
of the Spencerian philosophy in this country. Yet at one most
vital point he found Spencer lacking, and so freely and frankly
expressed his divergence as practically to repudiate the Spence-
rian Agnosticism. Spencer's religious attitude did not at all
satisfy him. It is quite evident from several of Spencer's
letters to Fiske pbblished in M^. Clark's volumes that Spencer
had little or no interest in the religious aspects of evolution.
In his acknowledgments of Fiske's writings and in his comments
upon his utterances he habitually avoids the subject of religion;
tt John Fiske: Life and LeUers. By John Spencer Clark. 8 vols. (1917).
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AMERICAN THEISTS 275
but on one occasion, at the farewell dinner given him in New
York on November 9, 1882, after Mr. Fiske's speech in response
to the toast ""The Doctrine of Evolution and Religion/' he
expressed himself as much pleased, and afterwards, wrote, "'I
wanted to say how successful and how important I thought
was your presentation of the dual aspect, theological and
ethical, of the Evolution doctrine/* *• Aside from this single
indication of approval, Spencer apparently did not sympathize
with Fiske's disposition to find religious significance in the
evolution theory. Yet Fiske pursued his purpose. At a period
when pretty much all of the theological, and most of the philo-
sophical, world resoimded with criticism and often witli de-
nimdation of Herbert Spencer and his agnosticism — a large
part of it well directed — it was a signal achievement for
Fiske, while supporting Spencer, to turn the findings of the
evolution theory away from Agnosticism toward a theistic
interpretation of the cosmos.
The chief deliverance of Mr. Fiske on the relation of evolu-
tion to religion is contained in two lectures given before the
Concord Schoolof Philosophy, The Destiny of Man (1884),
and The Idea of Ood as Affected by Modem Knowledge (1886).
If the Concord School had done nothing more than to call forth
these two lectures its existence would have been more than
justified.
The theism outlined in "The Idea of God" is very different
from the "Anthropomorphic Theism" which Fiske criticized
in his Cosmic Philosophy y and against which, under the cap-
tion of "Finite Theology," Theodore Parker had hurled his
thunderbolts. And yet Fiske advanced a very definite and
positive teleology, which recognizes that "there is a reasonable-
ness in the tmiverse such as to indicate that the Infinite Power
of which it is the multiform manifestation is psychical." ^
Remaining loyal to Spencer and averring that his characteriza-
tion of God as "Unknowable" presents "only one aspect of
Deity," <* Fiske managed to transform the dreaded shadow
of evolution into an angel of light.
• Op. et<^ ii» 964. » Ibid^ p. zzz.
^ The Idea cfQod^ IVeface* p. zzix.
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276 HAEVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
The argument for the existence of God which he advances is
the design argument, reconstructed upon the lines of the evo-
lutionary hypothesis:
The events of the universe are not the work of chance, neither axe they
the outcome of blmd necessity. Practically there is a purpose in the worid
whereof it is our highest duty to learn the lesson, however well or ill we may
fail in rendering a scientific account of it. When from the dawn of life we see
all things working together toward the evolution of the highest spiritual
attributes of Man, we know, however the words may stumble in which we
try to say it, that God is in the deepest sense a Moral Being. The everlast-
ing source di phenomena is none other than the infinite Power that makes
for righteousness.**
TJie presentation is impaired by a tone of assurance, not to
say dogmatism, as of one speaking from a new seat of authority.
Its somewhat dramatic form admits also some rather sweeping
doctrinal generalizations, as Professor Geo^e Harris indicated
in his review of the volume in the Andover Review.*^ More-
over, as the same critic also pointed out, its sole reliance upon
teleology affords a quite inadequate basis for a sufficient theism.
And yet, with all its assumptions and omissions, this skilful
etching of "'a well-marked dramatic tendency toward the dS-
nouemenl of which everyone of the myriad little acts of life and
death during the entire series of geologic aeons was assisting '' *'
constituted a unique and brilliant contribution to American
thought. Without it our theistic literature would be not only
far duller but far less advanced.
Mr. Fiske was not a profound thinker nor a man of marked
religious sentiment, but he had an exceptionally sane, rev^ent,
and forceful mind, and the fact that as the leading exponent
of evolution in America he threw his judgment unhesitatingly
on the side of theism carried a great deal of weight at a time
when there was much mental confusion and disturbance.
The Idea of Ood has gone through fifteen editions, and will not
cease to be read for many years to come.
It is worthy of note that in his Interpretation cf Nature (1893)
Professor N.< S. Shaler took an attitude toward evolution similar
to that of Fiske. In a recent volume. The Order of Nature
» AuL, pii. lOe, 167. M TiUIdM of Ood, p. 191.
» VoL ▼, pp. 9S-10S.
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AMERICAN THEISTS 277
(1917), Professor Lawrence J. Henderson also finds indications
in nature of an evolutionary teleoI<^gy, though with a far
greater reserve than either Fiske or Shaler. He writes as
follows:
Nothing more remains than to admit that the riddle sorpaasea us and to
conclude that the contrast of mechanism with teleology is the very founda-
tion of the order of nature^ which must ever be r^arded from two oomple-
mentaiy points of view, as a vast assemblage of changing systems, and as
an harmonious unity of changdess laws and qualities working together in the
process of evolution.*"
We meet with a similar faith in the theistic implications of
the developmental theory, but with a contrasted point of
view and method, in the theist whose work we are next to con-
sider, Charles CJarroU Everett, the publication of whose theo-
logical lectures under the title Theism and the Christian Faith
(1909) added a contribution of large and permanent value to
the literature of Theism."
Doctor Everett's long and fruitful term of service as pro-
fessor of Theology in the Harvard Divinity School (1869-1900)
ran parallel with that of Samuel Harris at Yale.*^ The two
teachers were alike in their philosophic vision, wide knowledge
of philosophy and literature, penetration of mind, and skill
and charm of expression. They were alike also in their faith
in ihtuition and in idealism. Yet they differed in their types
of idealism. Harris was more the Kantian, Everett the Hege-
lian, although neither of them was in any sense a camp-follower,
but each an independent thinker.
If anyone imagines that it is impossible to find a course of
lectures in theology that is at once free, profound, and engaging,
he may be disillusioned by looking into Professor Everett's
course as reported and edited by the Reverend Edward Hale.
» PageSM.
^ Dmh W. W. Peon of the Harvwd Divmilj Pacnlty has made a valuable som-
mary and evahiation of Fralesior Everett's theology in The Harvard Tkeoioffieal Re-
•iwr, vol. iii, 1-88.
*^ Charies Canoll Everett was bom in Brunswick, Me., June 19, 1880. He gradu-
ated from Bowdoin College, and studied at Berlin University, Germany. He was
librarian of Bowdoin College Library for five years, and profeaaor of Modem Languages,
1955-67. In 1809 he joined the faculty of Harvard Divinity School and from 1879
until his death in 1900 was Dean of the ScfaooL
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278 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Here is no dry-as-dunt dogmatism, but lif e» movement, litera-
ture. Dr. Everett was accustomed to b^in his course of
lectures with the following definition of religion, to be found
in his volume. The Psychological Elements of Religious Faith
(1902): *' Religion is a feeling toward a Supernatural Presence
manifesting itself in Truth, Goodness and Beauty." This
definition he traced through six phases of development, b^fin-
ning with the simple *' feeling^' of primitive religion and cul-
minating in '"feeling toward a spiritual presence, manifesting
itself in Truth, Goodness and Beauty, especially as illustrated
in the life and teaching of Jesus and as e]q>erienced in every
soul that is open to its influence.**** These three — Truth
(or Unity), Goodness, and Beauty — in harmony with Plato,
he presents as the three Ideas of Reason and the guides to the
knowledge of God. Unity he finds existent in three forms:
Unity in time, or Eternity; Unity in space, or Omnipresence;
and Dynamic Unity, or Omnipotence. Thus we have, in place
of Harris* five forms of Reason, Everett's three forms, with a
somewhat differing content, although there is a fimdamental
agreement between them.
In maJdng Truth coincident with Unity, Dr. Everett adopts
a norm which in spite of its indusiveness limits him. Unity is
a fundamental quality of truth, but when made supreme it
forces into the background that which has become the chief
quest of contemporary philosophy. Reality. With so exclusive
an emphasis upon Unity he naturally became enmeshed in the
web of H^elianism. It is true that he rejected an abstract
unity as applied to God in favor of a "concrete unity in which
the parts are not done away with but taken up into the
whole*'; ^ and yet there is wanting a certain sense of person-
ality which is not to be had when Unity is made the supreme
category. The supremacy of the category of Unity tends to
subordinate goodness, or moral truth, to theoretical truth.
Along with this goes also the disposition to minimize evil
which the Hegelian finds it so hard to avoid. It does not
remedy the situation to make sin a factor in the *' negative
« Sec W. W. Fcnn. I c, p. 80.
** Theitm and the CkruHam, FaUh, p. 51.
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AMERICAN THEISTS 279
movement" by which man is brought into conflict with his
environment, as Everett does. This offers too negative an
account of sin. It is not enough to define sin as '"a state of
inertia, the resting in some lower plane of life, where it is pos-
sible to rise to a higher." *^ It is that — and more.
Christianity is truly presented by Everett as the religion of
reconciliation; yet Christianity is not so much concerned to
reconcile good and evil as to reconcile the Author of good and
the sinner. In other words, persons, rather than their products,
are the true objects of reconciliation.
Especial emphasis is laid by Everett upon the idea of Beauty
in theism, which he rightly contends, '"has been too much left
out of account by many theologians." Beauty is defined as
^'the manifestation of the glory of God"; '* which glory is
'"the self -manifestation of tibe divine nature regarded as the
sum of all ideals." Such self-manifestation, he points out,
necessarily excludes abstract unity and all forms of pantheism.
"When the divine nature is conceived merely as abstract unity
there can be, of course, no self-manifestation, no outpouring of
the divine nature, no glory of God." ^ Man glorifies God by
self -fulfilment, by means of which he fills his place in the uni-
verse. His description of the Divine Glory and Blessedness as
consisting in Active Love *' reminds the reader of Jonathan
Edwards. Here, at least, the Berkeleyan Calvinist and the
H^elian Unitarian are in striking harmony, both in spirit and
in idea.
While the emphasis upon Divine Personality is less marked
in the theism of Everett than in that of Harris, the ruling
idea of God is the same, that of Spiritual Presence; and that
means Personality. At the same time Divine Personality, in
Everett's thought, i3 more or less shadowed by the conception
of the Absolute. In elevating Idea above Reality, Hegelian-
ism — even in such a modification of it as this — inevitably
veils the realization of God behind the thought of God. If
knowledge is confined to ideM, the idea of God, as Everett
recognizes at the outset of his discussion, is necessarily a rep-
^ Ibid., p. 246. " Ibid., p. 61.
» Ibid., p. 60. ^ Ibid., chap. viL
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«80 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Fesentation, a VorsteUtmgy but if knowledge is not confined to
ideas, if it is recognized as deeper and fuller than ideas, using
them only as its instruments, then it is possible to have a
knowledge of God that is far more than a Vordellung. The
knowledge by personal beings of one another can hardly be
confined to representation. Whatever its ultimate nature, it
would seem to be primarily presentative and only secondarily
representative. In relating itself to other aspects of knowledge
and other forms of reality, the knowledge of God is doubtless
representative, indirect, mediate; but in itself is it not more
direct and experiential than Professor Everett conceived it to
be?
A number of other noteworthy books on theism by American
authors have appeared, among which may be mentioned: A
Theodicy (1859), by Albert Taylor Bledsoe, at that time Pro-
fessor of Mathematics and Astronomy in the University of
Missouri; The Thmgtic Conception of God (1876), by B. F.
Cocker, professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy in the Uni-
versity of Michigan; Borden P. Bowne's Philoaophy of Theism
(1888) ; •« George P. Fisher's Grounds of Theistic and Christian
Belief (1902); Josiah Royce's and George H. Howison's The
Conception of God (1897) ; »• William N. Qarke's The Christian
Doctrine of God (1909) ; Richard Wilde Micou's Basic Ideas in
Religion (1916); George A. Gordon's Aspects of the Infinite
Mystery (1916).*«
A contribution to the literature of theism of marked value
appeared in the year 1890 entitled Beliif in God (Winkley Lec-
tures at Andover Theological Seminary), by President Jacob
Gould Schurman, at that time Sage professor of Philosophy at
Cornell University. As a condensed and succinct statement of
the groimds of theism it is in many respects unrivalled. Presi-
dent Schurman entitles his Theism anthropocosmic, since it is
based on the double facts of the cosmos and human nature.
From a study of the implications underlying the totality of
M See rA0P0f«ofia{u<,yoLi,No.l,pp.87ff. Phxfenor Borden P. Bowne's TAtfim
and PenonaXum have been omitted from this disniswon for tbe [reftaon Ibat I hope to
diacuas them at length in a volmne upon Amsriean Phthtopky.
*• See Th6 Harvard Theoiogieal Bsvieto, viii (1915), 211H»7.
^ See Progre99t9$ Rdigunu L^fe in Amenea, chap. iiL
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AMERICAN THEISTS 281
phenomena he reaches the conclusion that **the ground or im-«
manent cause of the universe must be an Infinite Spirit/' This
Spirit, interpreted through personality, is Love. It would be
difficult to find a finer interpretation of Christianity as it is
seen in the light of a rational philosophy than President
Schurman presents in his closing chapter, "'Belief in God as
Father of Spirits/' from which the follo¥dng passage is taken:
Nothing requires us then to modify the conclusion already reached that
love 18 the complete expression of the moral character of God. This also is
the burden of the revelation through Christ as it is the one imperishable
idea of every form of the Christian faith. I believe, therefore, that it is to
the religion of Christ, as the absolute rdigion, that we shall find ourselves
approximating, the deeper our soundings in the soul of man and of nature.
But that religion is not to be confounded with any rigid and unprogressive
creed that claims, in a formidable array of ancient articles, a monopoly of
Christian truth. Not merely do we need, what Locke so earnestly demanded^
a broadening of the bottom of religion; we need also a recognition of its con-
stant progressiveness. For our knowledge of God must continue to grow
with our knowledge of humanity and nature through which alone he reveals
himself. The endless problem of religious thought will therefore be the re-
setting of the religion of Christ in the framework of contemporary knowl-
edge.«
In connection with this volume should be mentioned Profes-
sor Arthur Kenyon Rogers' ** The Religious Conception of Ood
(1907), in which the autibor defends "'a view of the world which
is frankly religious and theistic." ^* Professor Rogers deliber-
ately adopts this view in preference to *^the attitude of disin-
terested spectator '* in which the philosopher ^* assumes a posi-
tion outside the world's life and makes it simply a subject on
which to exercise one's skill in dialectic." ^
It lis impdlssible to glance over even so Ijmited a sector of the
history of Theism without realizing that it is in its very nature
a progressive science. The idea of God, as well as the experience
of God, develops and deepens and expands with the growing
mind of man. Such has been the case in American thought.
«i Bdirf in Ood, pp. 860, 861.
* At the time this vdume was puUished, Doctor Bogers was professcNT of Fhi-
loflophy in Butler College, ^oe 1018 he has been professor of Philosophy in Yale
University.
«Pagel.
« Pages.
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282 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
It is true that many minds refuse with no little heat to accept
this alternative; the idea of God for them is a fixed and
unchangeable datum. It is easy to fall into the assumption
that here knowledge has reached the Umit of its possibilities.
What more can be learned of Grod than the f imdamental truths
of his ^'nature and government'' as disclosed in the laws of the
mind itself, in nature, and in "revelation"? So it seemed to
the scholasticism of the Middle Ages and again to the divines
of the Lutheran and Reformed churches. But this proved a
misconception. Stability in the idea of God does not mean
fixity. There is no fixity of idea in such a realm as this, rep-
resenting as it does the highest and widest of our concepts. It
is, to be sure, difficidt to see in what direction so idtimate an
idea as that of God can farther expand. No age can see how
the next can possibly advance further; but the advance comes,
taking up into itself the best that has gone before, and carrying
enlarged experience on into enlarging idea.
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Cambiidget Massachusetts
AFFIUATED WITH HARVARD UMVERSTTY
A professional training-school for Christian Ministers, with a
three years' course of study leading to the degree of Bachelor of
Divinity. Courses in all departments of Theology, with liberal
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HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Ymmm XIV OCTOBER, 1921 Nomub 4
LITERATURE ON CHURCH HISTORY
IN GSBMANT, AUSTRIA, SWITZICBLAND, HOLLAND, AND THB
SCANDINAVIAN COX7NTRIE8, 1014-19£0
GUSTAV KRU6ER
Profbbbob or Chubgh HunoBT in Gnswrnr, Giucamt
I. Early Church History
CONTENTS
I. Genenl Chuidi History 887
n. The Ancient Chinch.
1. General 291
ft. Christianity mnd Fftguuam.
(a) General Relations 9M
(h) The Emperars and Christianity 296
(e) Martyrology and Hagiography 900
(d) The ^lead of Christianily 904
9. Lives, Writings, and Doctrine of the Fathers.
(a) Editions 905
(6) Transktions 91ft
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(<0 Monographs and Critical Investigations.
1, General 915
ft, The Fathers in Alphabetical Order 9ft0
4. ChurdiLife.
(o) The Creed 941
(6) Liturgical Problems 949
(0) FeasUandFuts 948
id) Archaeology and Art SSO
(0) Organisation 999
(/) Discq>lnie 964
(g) Asceticism and Monasticism 907
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284
HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEVIEW
ABBBEVIATIONS
AAB AiA^«Hi««g^. A^ Air«.u— u A^ mn— — «»i»#»^ — «»««
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Seit 1914.
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menta.
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SAW Sitsungaberidile der Akademie suWien.
SduGeiStr Sdiriften der wiawnarhafUidiep Geadladiaft so Straadburg.
StGKA Stndien tor Geadiidile und Kultnr dea Altertuma.
StMB Slodicn und Mitteihingen ana dem Benediktbieronkn.
SIML Stimincn ana Maria l4wdi. Sdt 1915 dudi SiZ <
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UTERATDBE ON CHURCH HISTOBY 285
SIZ
BtbmiaiderZeit.
TliGl
T1iflQlo$ie und Gknbe.
ThLm
Tlieologiachet litmtaibktt
HiLz
TliQ
ThR
Tlieologiidie BnndidiMi.
lliBev
Theological Benie.
ThSt
llieologbdiA StudieiL
ThStKr
Tlieologudie Stxidien «!"H KritikeD.
TU
Teite und Untenachungen.
VESM
VertSffentfidrangen mu dem ImchenliUtoiiaGlien Seminar Mttndieii.
VBSG
Gttma^GMeOadiaft.
WSt
Wiener Studien.
ZKG
Zeitachrift fttr KirdieDgeafhirJite.
ZkTh
Zeitachrift fttr katboliache IlieolQgie.
ZMW
ZNW
Zmimhnit fOr neatestame&tlidie ^iMoadiaft.
ZwHi
In the preparation of the following survey two methods were
possible. I might select for fuller notice certain of the most
important productions and by means of them illustrate the
progress in this branch of historical science during the period
of the war, or I might endeavor to give as complete an account
of the literature as possible, including notices of less significant
but nevertheless useful publications. I decided upon the second
course, partly because the mass of production seemed to me
too large and varied to be satisfactorily exhibited by the more
or less arbitrary selection of a few works, partly because it
often happ^is that a seemingly unimportant note may be of
worth to some scholar who happens to be pursuing research in
that particular field — something which in the many years during
which I edited the Theologische Jahresbericht I have often
found true in my own experience and that of others. Unfor-
tunately the Jahresbericht, which seemed to us indispensable,
as well as the Theologische Rundschau, edited by Bousset,
whose untimely death we mourn, have both succumbed to the
unfavorable conditions of the times. All the more necessary
does it seem to create at least a partial substitute for them, and
I embraced the opportunity offered me by the editors of this
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286 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Review the more gladly because in my own country it will for
the present be quite impossible to publish such a surv^.^
Manifestly in such an undertaking exhaustive completeness
is not to be achieved or even aimed at. Having regard to the
read^^ of this Review, it is dear that, of writings on the history
of the church in individual countries, only those should find a
place in our surv^ which may claim a general interest; to
say nothing of the fact that it is beyond the power of a single
reviewer, even with the friendly assistance of others, to record,
much less to read, everything. But here again a distinction is
necessary. The history of the ancient church is a peculiarly
international field, and accordingly it is desirable here to in-
clude as far as possible everything which by its scientific
character is adapted to advance learning, even if only in a
single minor point. To achieve a certain degree of completeness
for this period was in itself an attractive task, and one which
I took upon me the more gladly because in fulfilling it I should
be acquitting myself of a debt of honor. In the field of early
church history German s^olarship has from the beginning
taken the lead. That it is not disposed to relinquish this
leadership was proved during the war, and is still being shown
in the distressful years that have followed. It was not without
a feeling of pride that I took up the January number of this
Review bearing witness to this, as it does, by the prominent
place occupied in it by German scholarship; and I cannot
think without bitterness of the political servitude and the
internal derangement of my own country which, unless condi-
tions soon change for the better, must lead to the decline of
this prestige also.
In regard to the limits of the period covered by this survey,
I would remark that the history of primitive Christianity does
not f aU within its scope. This subject can be advantageously
treated only in connection with the literature on the New
Testament, which Professor Windisch, of Leiden, has under-
taken. Gnosticism also belongs in his field. The external ar-
^ For a oonqireheDrive mrvey of imporUiit publicatioiui on Antenioeiie diurch hia-
tory, see Hans von Soden, Die ErfofBchung der vornidiniacben Kirchftngeachichte Mtt
1914» in ZKG 89, 1981, 140-109.
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LTTERATDBE ON CHURCH HISTOBY 287
rangement of the Jahresbericht, which experience has proved
practical, has been retained, with such changes as the contracted
space dictate. The abbreviations in the bibliography are those
employed in the Jahresbericht with the addition of a few new
ones. As readers cannot be expected to understand these sym-
bols without explanation, an alphabetical list of those which
occur in this first article is prefixed. All these periodicals, re-
ports of the sessions of Academies, and similar publications,
are having a hard struggle for existence, and many of the sym-
bols in our list will shortly disappear.
Of the literature which has appeared in the German language
I have seen almost everything, for which I am in part indebted
to the kind cooperation of the publishers. The prices noted are
the original ones; beyond which considerable excess charges
must be reckoned with. In ordering a book it would be advis-
able to refer to my report, or to use my services by ordering
the book through me. Of the literature in other languages only
the smallest part has come under my eyes. I am the more
grateful for the generous assistance of scholars who in response
to my request have aided me by furnishing notices of such pub-
lications — Professor Karl Volker, of Vienna, for Austria;
Professor O. Ammundsen, of Copenhagen, and Professor Sig-
mund Mowinckel, of Christiania, for Denmark and Norway;
the Rev. Bakhuizen van den Brink, Theol. Doct., of Nieuw
Dortrecht, for Holland; Professor Hjalmar Holmqvist, of
Lund, for Sweden. The names of these scholars are attached to
the notes contributed by them.
L GENERAL CHURCH HISTORY
Aulin, Ooita, Dogmhistoria. 862 pp. Stockholm, Norsted, 1917. kr. 12.
— Bets, Bemkard, Unsere religi5sen Erzieher. 2. Aufl. 2 Bilnde. xi, 3S5;
iii, 844 pp. Mit Bildnissen. Leipdg, Quelle iind Meyer, 1917. Geb. M. 14.
— Bonwetscht G. Nathanadf Gmndriss der Dogmengeschichte. 2. Aufl. iv»
219 pp. Gttteraloh, Bertdamaim, 1919. M. 12; geb. M. 14. — Brandrud,
A., Den kristne kirkes historie. 410 pp. Kristiiiiiia, Aschdioug, 1915. —
Ehrengabe deutscher Wuaenflchaft, dazgeboten von katholiacben Gdehrten,
dem Pnnzen Johann Oeorg von 8ach$en zum 50. Geburtstag gewidmet.
zx, 858 pp., mit 84 Bildem und 7 Tafeln. Freiburg, Heider, 1920. Geb. M.
250. — Ehrhard, AlbeH, Die Stellung der SUwen m der Geschichte des Chris-
tentums. 46 pp. StrasBburg, Heitc, 1918. — FestgaheyAloii Kndpflef
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288 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
nir VoUendung dee 70. LebensjahreB gefwidmet viii* 415 pp. twSbmg^
Hinder, 1917. M. 80. — F09i9ehr%ft, Theologbche» fttr G. Nathanael
Bonwetieh zu aeinem 70. Geburtstag. iii» 147 pp. Le^ttig, Deichert, 1018.
M. 5. — Hamaekf Adoff van, Dogmengesdiidite. (6ruii<bu8 der theologi-
sdwDWu8aifldiAften4). 5.Aiifl. ^47% pp. Tubingeii, Mofar* 1014. M.7;
geb. M. 8. — HergemMer, Jotrf, Handbuch der jdlgemeinea Ejrdieiige-
schichte. (Theologiflche Bibliothek). Neu bearbeitet von Johann Peter
Kinch. 5. Aufl. 8. und 4. Band, ziv, 884 pp. mit einer Karte; x, 708 pp.
Freiburg, Heider, 1015 und 1017. M. 18, 60 und M. 14; geb. M. 15, 40 und
^ M. 10. — Heuseit Karl, Kompendium der Kirdiengesdudite. 4. Aufl. xv,
687 pp. Tubingen, Mohr, 1010. M. U; geb. M. 15. — Heueei, Karl^ und
Hermann MvierU Atlas sur Kirchengeschidite. 66 Karten auf 12 BlKttem.
2. Aufl. 18 pp. Text Tllbing^, Mohr, 1010. kart. M. 7. — £fl^^Jl0r, AZou,
LehrbudiderErcbengescbiclite. 6. Aufl. xxv, 862 pp. mit dner Karte. Frei-
burg, Herder, 1020. M. 80; gdb. M. 86. — LUheekt Konrad, Georgioi und
diekathol]8dieKirdie(AMM6). 110pp. Aachen, Xaverius-Verlag, 1018. M.
^ 8, 50. — MUller, Karl, Eircfaengeflchichte. (Grundriai der theologisdiea
Wiwenachaften 4, 2). 2. Band. 2. HMlfte. xxiii, 788 pp. Tubingen, Mohr,
1010. M.18; geb.M. 21. — PtV2>0f,F.,HandboektotdeGe0chiedau8der
Christelijke Kunst. Mit 125 afbeeldingen. 101 pp. 's Gravenhage, Nijhoff,
' 1018. fl. 7; geb. fl. 8, 50. — Schubert, Ham von, GrundzUge der Kirdien-
geschichte. 6. Aufl. xi, 844 pp. TUbmgen, Mohr, 1010. M. 6, 75; geb. M. 0.
— Seeherg, Reinhold, Ldirbuch der Dogmengeachichte. (Sammlung the-
ologischer LehrbUcher). 2. und 8. durchweg neu ausgearbeitete Auflage.
4. Band in 2 Abteilungen. xii, xvi, 806 pp. Leipzig, Deichert, 1017 und 1020.
M. 10,50 und M. 54. — Studien, geschichtliche, Albert Hauek zum 70.
Geburtfltag dargebracht. xii, 852 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1916. M. 18, 50;
geb. M. 15.
No new treatise covering the whole of church history has ap-
peared within our period. The books whose titles are given
above are for the most part good old acquaintances, and the
circle of their readers will doubtless be enlarged through the
new editions, which have in aU cases been supplemented and
brought up to the present stage of knowledge. Miiller has
continued his admirable work, which has been widely praised
without as well as within the lands of German speech as a land-
mark in ecclesiastical historiography, from the Reformation to
the end of the seventeenth century. At this point, unfortu-
nately, he proposes to lay down his pen, so that a critical
account of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries — a thing
that does not exist in any language — is likely long to remain a
desideratum. The latest volume, like its predecessors, is dis-
tinguished by thoroughness of investigation and independence
of judgment. Especially noteworthy is the skill with which the
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UTER/ITDBE ON CHDBCH HISTOBY . 289
author has q>preheiided and pjresented the oonnections, in-
dading those that belong to the general histcwy of civilisation.
Besides this there are many new observations in particulars.
Thus> to take a single example^ Mliller is the first adequately
to appreciate the great importance for Holland^ England, and
Germany of Jacobus Acontius, a notable champion of re*
ligious toleration whose very name has hitherto not found a
place in our church histories.' Protestantism and Cathdicism
are treated by Mttller with equal thoroughness, and within the
sphere of Protestantism he has given the same attention to the
non-German churches as to the German. I cannot doubt that
the sections on England and Scotland will be found instructive
by English and American theologians aild historians also.
8eeberg*s work is bibliographically described as the second
edition of the Lehrbuch issued in two volumes in 1805 and
1808. In reality it is an entirely new work, of which the first
three volumes appeared in 1008-1018, and with the fourth
Volume noted above is now complete. The first part of this
volume treats of the formation of Protestant doctrine, with a
specially detailed estimate of Luther's teachings; the second
part, of the further development of the doctrines of the Bef or-
nuition and of the Counter-Beformation. For Catholicism he
takes the Vatican Council (1870) as the terminus, for Lutheran-
ism the Formula of Concord (1580), for Calvinism the Synod
of Dordrecht (1610). The lines of development which connect
this history with the present the author has traced in an in-
structive and readable concluding chapter on the several con-
fessional types as the ultimate outcome of the evoluticm of
dogma. Seeberg's work has an importance of its own by the
side of Hamack's great History of Dogma, since for the recent
period Hamack gives no more than a sketch. Seeberg has
endeavored throughout to give due importance to the connec-
tion between the development of religious ideas and the g^i-
eral history of thought. The reader who is acquainted with
* On AoontiuB see now Gaston Sortais» S. J., La philoeophie moderne depuis Baoon
jusqu'a Leibnis. Tome i. Paris, 1M0» pp. 41-ffS. See also Adolf Bfatthaei» Jacob
Aootttinsy mit besondsRr Bertldcsicfatigiuig seiner Gedankm iSbet Tolerans, NK2 90^
1919, i9a-30S.
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800 HARVARD IBBOIOGICAL REVIEW
Troettach's 'Somallehrai d» Christlidioi Kirchen' (Tubingen,
Mohr» 1912) — a brilliant work, but often proYoking contrar
diction — will follow with special interest Seeberg's acute and
well-considered discussion. It is gratifying also to find that
this Lutheran scholar has so fine a sense for the distinctiye
features of the Calvinistic type of doctrine, whidi ex pr e ss es
itself in well-considered judgments. Seeberg could not make
up his mind to assign to modem Protestantism a place in the
history of dogma as a distinct type of religious life. At this
point workers in the field will have to address themselves to
the problem with greater energy than heretofore. — The His-
tory of Dogma hyAulSn is praised by Professor Holmqvist as a
remarkably dear outline. — Professor Ammundsen describes
Brandrud^s short general sketch as interestingly written,
without bibliographical references, but with good illustrations.
Pijper*s volume, according to information furnished by Dr.
Bakhuizen van den Brink, deals with the whole development
of Christian art, paying special attention to ancient art. The
reader is made acquainted with the scientific investigation of
the catacombs, and the well-known thesis of Strzygowski,
^Orient or Rome,' is discussed, the author endeavoring to steer
a middle course. The merits of the book lie on the one hand in
the dear, concise, and progressive presentation, on the other
in the sdection of material with an eye particularly to Dutch
readers, and therefore giving especial though not one-sided at-
tention to Dutch art.
Pursuant to a graceful custom, which has been kept up even
in our present trying situation, when a noted scholar has com-
pleted an epoch in his life, grateful pupils, colleagues, and friends
have in several cases contributed to a volume of sdentific
papers in his honor. Such collections are recorded above in
the bibliography. So far as these essays are of general interest
for church history they will be specially noted bdow in their
proper place. For more detailed information about the con-
tents the following notices may be consulted: for Bonwetsch,
Schuster, ThLZ 44 (1910), 49; for Hauck, XdUer, ThLZ 41
(1916), je47; for KnSpfler, Seppdt, ThRev 17 (1918), 447.
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LFTERATDBE ON CHURCH HISTORY 201
n. THE ANCIENT CHURCH
1. GXNSBAL
Arnold, Carl Franklin, Die Gesdiichte der alien Kiiche bis auf Kari den
Giossen im ZuBammeohang mit den Wdtbegebenheiten kiin dargestdlt.
(Eyangdudi-theologiflche BiUkythek, hngg. von Berahard Bess), xvi, 9M
pp. Leip8Jg,QudleundMeyer»1919. M.7; geb.M.d, — Harnaek, Adolf
9on, Alls der Friedens- und Kriegsarbeit. viii, 879 pp. Giessen, Ttfpdmann»
1916. M. 8; geb. M. 10. — Heckel, Andreat, Die Kirche van Aegypten.
IhieAnlilngeyihieOiganisationimdihreEntwiddungbisziir Zeit des I>^eae-
nums. (Diss.) vii, 85 pp. Strassbuig* Hette, 1918. M. i. — Sehrijnent
Jofef, Uit het leven der oude kerk. vii» 800 pp. Buasum, Brand; Utrecht,
Dekker en van der Vogt, 1919. fl. 7; geb. fl. 8, 50. — Seeck, Otto, Regesten
der Kaiser und PEpste fUr die Jahre 811 bis 476 n. Chr. 2 Halbbttnde. 900
und zi, 487 pp. Stuttgart, Metder, 1918 und 1919. M. 100; geb. M. 140 (no
excess cfaaige); Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt. 6. Band. 880
pp. Ebda., 1920. M. 82; geb. M. 4i, — 8oden, Ham Fretherr von. Die
Entstehung der christlichen Kirche. Vom Urchristentum sum Katholizismus.
2 Bllnde. (Aus Natur und Geisteswdt. Nr. 690 und 691). 188 und 180 pp.
Leq>zig» Teubner, 1919. Je M. 2» 80; geb. M. S, 50. — Troeltich, Ernst,
Die alte Kirche. (Logos 6, 1916-17, 265-814).
'A study in the philosophy of civilization/ is the characteriza-
tion Troeltsch gives of his article on the nature and significance
of the ancient church. The fundamental idea is that Christian-
ity as a supernatural institute of salvation found its classical
form in the ancient, that is to say, the catholic church. The
church is the last great creation of the ancient world, and as
such the source of power for the beginning of a new civilization,
the mother's womb from which the Occidental world was bom.
It is therefore a great and weighty question how this church
arose out of the whole situation of the ancient world, and
wherein its significance in particulars consists. The church
itself, under the influence of its belief in its immediate divine
origin, has, consciously or unconsciously, refused to recognize
the traces of its own origin, effaced them, or even destroyed
them. Troeltsch traces the lines of development which are
nevertheless recognizable in two directions. One points back
to Hebraism, and makes the church appear as the conquering
power of the prophets and of the gospel. The other leads to
Hellenism, and shows us in the church the means by which the
ancient world in a time of grave distress and in a complete
intellectual overturning brought to fulfilment the most char-
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acteristic tendoicies of its life, and found the satiaf action of its
needs. How this came about in particular cases, Troeltsch has
developed in a stimulating way. He thus sums up the con-
dusionB: ^Die Bedeutung der alten Eirche li^ in der Zusam-
menschweiBSung der christlich-religidsen Ideenwdt d^ Schttp-
fung, der Freiheit, der Gnade, der Wesensumkehr, dar Gottes*
und Bruderliebe, mit der antiken, wesentlich von den Hdlenen
gepriigten Kultur der allgemeinbq^riflBiichen gesetzlich^i Wis-
senschaft der rationalen Staats-, Gesellschafts- und Rechts-
gestaltung, der humanitiiren Vemunftethik» der ttsthetischen
Tmmanenz der Form in Stoffe/ These are fundamental con-
trasts; yet, as Troeltsch bdUieves, they have since become so
closely bound together that they can not be sqmrated from
each other. No one who wishes to go to the bottom of these
questions should neglect this study, which, it must be confessed,
makes great demands upon the reader. An English translation
would be all the more desirable since the essay appeared as an
article in a periodical, and can not be obtained separately
through the bookseUers. (Compare also the note on Troeltsch's
' Augustin,' below, p. 827.) An article on ' de dogmenhistorische
theorie&i van Ernst Troeltsch' was published by J. Undebloom
in ThT 58 (1919), 181-428.
Arnold* s book is intended primarily for students; but even
professional scholars will be surprised to find how much valu-
able information has been compacted in small space yet in
readable form by a skilful use of small print. The author has
not only the advantage of his many years' experience as a
teacher of church history (he is professor in Breslau), but pos-
sesses a happy gift of portraying the spirit of an age by means
of skilfully selected details. The book has thus a personal note
which distinguishes it from other manuals. — Von Soden's
little volumes are made up of lectures which the author (now
professor in Breslau) delivered as chaplain in war-university
courses on the western front. His aim was to make one of the
most important epochs in intellectual and political histoiy
intelligible to educated readers with no special knowledge of
the subject. It is not an ordinary case of popularization, how-
ever; a high scientific level is maintained throughout, and the
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UTERATUBE ON CHURCH HISTOBY S9S
many extracts from the aources interspened through the
volume add to its value. — It is to be regretted that condi-
tions have permitted the printing of only the first chapter of
HeekeVs work. In it the author, bringing to the taA an
excellent methodical training, examines the Usts of Alexandrian
bishops, which he finds to be untrustworthy, and the tradi-
tion that Mark the Evangelist wM the founder of the Alexr
andrian Church, which he r|ejects as l^endary. To this he
subjoins some observations on the planting and spread of
Christianity in Alexandria and Egypt. — iMiitCs work is
commraded by H. Jordan ThLBl 89 (1918), 481 as a careful
critical summary of results hitherto attained.
Seeches ^Regesten' is one of those books which every one
concerned with investigations in that field must find completely
indispensable. The work is intended as a supplement to Momm-
sen's famous edition of the Codex Theodosianus, and at the
same time as a preliminary study for a Prosopographia of the
period of the Christian empire which was among the projects of
the Berlin Academy. The framework is furnished by those laws
in the Theodosian Code (completed in 488) the dates of which
can be determined. Seeck did not, however, confine himself
by this limit, but brought his work down to 476. For this con-
tinuation the imperial laws offer no material for the western
half of the empire and very little for the eastern. Consequoitly
it was necessary to have recourse to the chronicles and the
letters of the popes, which had already been employed in criticism
of the data of the Theodosianus and as supplementary to it. In
this way the Rc^esta eventually grew into chronological tables,
firom which, however, everything is excluded that can be dated
only in a given year, but not to the month or at least the season.
After a long interval — the fifth volume appeared in 1918 —
Seeck has brought to completion his ^Geschichte des Unter-
gangs der antiken Welt.' The concluding volume deals with
the period from the death of Alaric to the end of the Western
Roman Empire (476.)* The ecdesiastico-political movements
* Move recently the notes to vol 6 have appealed (1981), aa pp. SSJHMM of that
▼ohune. Th^ contain the leferenoee to the eouioes and some chronological discuan^
The airthor died June SO, IMl.
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of the time receive ample attention. The authw's extreme
subjectivity, which characterises the whole work, appears
again in full force in this volume. The plainest proof of this
is given by the chapter on Augustine. To use a familiar Ger-
man expression for which we have no equally drastic English
equivalent, Seeck ''Ifisst an Augustin kein gutes Haar.*' To
read him one would think that in Augustine one had to do not
with a genius but with an intellectually and morally inf eriw in-
dividual. **He never had a single new idea of his own, except
that of investing his autobiography with the form of a confes-
sion — an idea of extremely dubious value." "His City of
God is as untrue and full of mental reservations as his Confes-
sions." "The question may well be raised how a book so shal-
low and of so little originality (viz. De Civitate Dei!) could
exert so profound an influence on the whole of the Middle
Ages, and even to a later time." Such quotations might be
multiplied. Fortunately not all parts of the work are so satu-
rated with antipathy; and, at any rate, the gifted author
everywhere captivates us by his original way of viewing the
subject. Even by his unjust judgment upon Augustine the
reader may review his own. We must remind ourselves that
it is the same Seeck who wrote the 'Regesten,' noticed above,
and therein gave conclusive proof that he has in the most
thorough-going way made his own the materials contained in
the sources. Since Gibbon's immortal work, it would be hard
to name another which brings before us in such enthralling
presentment persons and conditions in the decadent empire.
(In ordering the volume it must be noted that the publisher,
who for the earlier volumes was Siemenroth in Berlin, has been
changed.)
In the collection of Hafnacj;'^ addresses and essays the fol-
lowing studies bearing on the history of the ancient diurch are
reprinted: pp. 21-44, Die iilteste Kircheninschrift u. die lilteste
Kirchenbibliothekinschrift; pp. 45-65, Griechische xmd christ-
liche FrOnmiigkeit am Endedes S. Jahrhunderts (Hibbert Jour-
nal 1911); 67-90, Die Htthepunkte in Augustins Konfessionen
(Die Christliche Welt 1912, 1918); 101-140, Der Geist der
morgenlfindischen Eirche im Unterschied von der abend-
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LTTEBATUKE ON CHURCH HISTORY 295
Undiflcheii (SAB 1918); 141-161, Die Askese {infra, p. 867);
168-172» Bericht tlber die Ausgabe der Griechischeii Kirdieii-
vttter der drei ersten Jahrhunderte (SAB 1916)« — Schrij-
nen*s volume also is a collection of studies on life in early
Christian society, in which a Catholic apologetic tendency is
combined with a serious scientific aim. A few papers by other
authors are included. The subjects treated are: The Cult of
the Saints; The Tombs of Peter and Paul in Rome; Sunday
in the Early Church; The Virgins* Wreath; Women and Ptopa^
ganda; Cremation or Btuial; The Civilizing Work of the
Early Christians and the Edict of Milan; The Form of Chris-
tian Communities in Roman Law (W. Pompe) ; Antimilitarism
and the Duties of the Citizen; Ecclesiastical Latin; Commo-
dian (H. B. Vroom; vide infra Commodian); Slavery; Cle-
ment of Alexandria and Trade (O. van der Hagen ; inadequate) ;
Apologetics; Church Penance (infra, p. 864); The ^Salvatore
Olandese.' This last essay has for its subject a fresco of
Christ discovered in 1912 by two Hollanders in the crypt of St.
Cecilia in Rome. The author dates it about the end of the
fifth or the beginning of the sixth century; Christ is still rep-
resented without a halo. A good reproduction adorns the book.
[Bakhuizen van den Brink.]
ft. CHBISTIANmr AMD PAOANISil
a. Oeneral RdaHons
Birtf Theodoff Charakterbflder SpKtioiiui und die Entstduing des mo-
demen Euiopa. vi, 49fS pp. mit 6 Bfldem. Leipzig, Quelle und M^er, 1919.
Gdb. M. 16. — Oefjekent Johanne$t Der Auagang des grieduadi-i^Siiii-
fldien Heidentums. (ReHsianswiHiienirhsltliehe BiUiotheky hng. von Wil-
helm Stieitberg 6). viii, 847 pp. Heidelberg, Winter, 1920. M. 90; geb. M.
25; Stimmungen im untergehenden Altertum (NJUA 88, 1920, 250-269);
Kaiser Julianus. (Das Erbe der Alten, hrsg. von Otto Crusius u. A. 8). z,
174 pp, Leipeig, Dieterich, 1914. M. 4; geb. M. 5. — Harnaek, Adolf
ton, Porphyrius ''Gegen die Christen," 15 Bttcher. Zeugnisse, Fragmente und
Beferate. (AAB 1916, 1). 115 p. 4"*. Berlin, Beimer, 1916. M. 5,50. —
Hartmafif J, /., Honderd jaar geestdijk leven in den Bomeiniscben kei-
■ertijd. 555 pp. Ldden, van Doesbwi^ 1918. fl. 17, 50. — Kurfeis, A.,
Plates limaeus in Kaiser Konstantins Bede an die heilige Yersammlung
(ZNW 19, 1920, 7^-81). — Luoiani^ de dood van Peregrinus, van inleiding
en aanteekeningen voonien door D. PlooijeaJ. C. Koopman, (Aetatis
unperatoiiae scriptons graeci et lomani adnolationibiis instmcti odnnilibiis
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290 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
P. J. Enk m D. Plooq). 114 pp. Utxedit* Bnyi, 1915. fl. S. — Meper^
Eduardf ApcBflnion von IVana und die Biognphie des Phflortratoa (Hermes
529 1917,871-424). — Plooij^D.^ De achoolrtrijd onder Keiser Julianus.
(Stemmen des tijds 4, 1914-15, 102-180). — Sehepelern, F., Montanismen
og de phrygiike kuHcr. 212 pp. Kopenhagen, Pio^ 1920.
The end of Greek and Roman paganism is a subject which
has at all times particularly attracted historiajis of civilization
and of the churchy but it had not been comprehensively treated
since the much-used books of Victor Schultze and Gaston
Boissier. Geffcken, professor of classical philology in Rostock,
has attacked the subject in a new way. It is his aim to seize
upon the chief traits of the history of religions in the Roman
empire from the second century of our era. He accordingly
shows what cults are concerned, when and through what in-
fluence they declined and disappeared, the attitude of the sev-
eral emperors toward the religions of their time, the significance
of philosophy, and the reflex influence of the conflict upon
belles lettres, in order in the end to throw light upon the out-
come of these centuries of religious agitation, namely the
gradual accommodation between pagans and Christians. All
this is based on an amazing wealth of material gathered from
literary sources, inscriptions, papyri, and coins, and worked up
by the hand of a master. The inscriptions, in particular, have
never before been used in such completeness. Besides all this,
Geffcken has given his work a well-rounded, artistically satisfy-
ing form, both in his reproduction of the general milieu and in
remarkably successful portraits of leading figures, such for
instance, as those of the Neoplatonists Plotinus, Porphyry,
lamblichus, Produs, and Synesius, and of the emperor Julian.
To the last he has devoted a separate monograph, and in spite
of all the Neoplatonic rubbish that surrounds that remarkable
figure, esteems him as a g^uinely religious nature. Indeed it
is a great merit in Geffcken that he everjrwhere shows true
comprcjhension for religious feeling and experience. Thus his
book is of importance alike for theologians, philologists, his-
torians, and phik>sophers; educated laymen also will derive
great j^ofit from it. — The 'ChorakterkHpfe, * also, by Birt^ the
Marbiirgphikdogist, is a brilliant — perhaps rather too brilUant
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LTTERATDBE ON CHURCH HISTOBY 397
— book, and the pictures which he draws of the emperors after
Septimius Severus, including their relations to Christianity, and
the sharply defined characterization of men like Ambrose,
Jerome, and Augustine, make charming reading. — Hartman,
professor in Leiden, calls his book a causerie; it is, however, the
fruit of scientific investigations. He treats of the natiu*e of
heathenism, of sophists and philosophers, of Lucian, Dio
Chrysostom, and Seneca; and, in a special division of the work,
of the correspondence between Pliny and Trajan about the
Christians, which he shows to be genuine. A translation of the
whole correspondence is appended. [Bakhuizen van den Brink.]
In the first part of the collection entitled 'Aetatis impera-
toriae scriptores graeci et romani,' Plooij and Koopman
have edited Ludan's *De morte Peregrini.' As the basis of his
text Koopman, after a critical examination, took the edition of
Levi (Berlin 1802). The ample commentary is instructive and
valuable. The introduction by Plooij offers a clear view of the
religious conditions of Ludan's environment, particularly of
the cynics, at whom the story of the death of Peregrinus was
aimed. The facts from the life of Peregrinus which Lucian re-
lates are regarded by Plooij as trustworthy; Lucian's exaggera-
tions are pointed out. The relations that have been thought to
exist between the treatise and the letters of Ignatius are con-
sidered by Plooij of small consequence. [Bakhuizen van den
Brink.] — In an excellent study, the Berlin historian Meyer
has shown that for the purposes of his philosophical romance
Philostratus completely transformed the portrait that tradition
gave of the wonder-worker ApoUonius.
Since Lardner in his * Credibility of the Gospel History'
(17^-1757) brought together the fn^gments of Porphyry's book
against the Christians, much has been written about the work,
and many attempts have been made to reconstruct it; but no
critical edition has been produced. Harnack has now col-
lected all the material, which has been considerably enhurged
since Lardner's time, and rearranged it. He has induded also
the extracts firom a writing by an unknown author preserved
in Macarhis Magnes, believing that the results of hjs earlier
hivestigations (TU 87, 4, 1911) warrant him in reclaiming them
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298 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEVIEW
for Porphyry. — Kurfess defends the genumeness of the
'Oratio ad sanctorum coetum/ attributed to the emperor
Constantine, and decides for a Latin original. The objection
that Plato's Timaeus i^ used in the speech, he thinks may be
met by supposing that the emperor read Plato's work in Cicero's
translation. To the reviewer this does not seem very plausible.
— Plooij treats the conflict about schools under Julian as the
first historical emergence of the fundamental question whether
instruction without relation to religicm is possible. [Bakhuizen
van den Brink.] — Schepelern arrives at the condusion that
although Montanism was origmally a Christian phenomenon,
it later became an orgiastic religion resembling the Phrygian
cults, which are described at large. [Professor Ammundsen.]
b. The Emperon and ChrMam^f
Bihlmeyefp Karl^ Die ''synschen" Kaiser su Rom und das Christentum.
yii,ld6pp. Rotte&burg, Baader, 1916. M.8; Das angebliche Toleranzedikt
KoDstantins von 312 (ThQ 96, 1914, 65-100, 19a-«24). — Eherlein, HeU
mii<, Eaiaer Mark Aurd und die Christen. (Diss.) 54 pp. Breslau, Genoa-
senadhaftadruckerei, 1914. — Faulhaber, Ludwig, Die Libelli in der Chris-
tenverfotgung dea Kaisers Decius (ZkTh 43, 1919, 439-468, 617-656).—
Linderholm, Emanuel^ Om den kristna statskyrkans uppkomst. 135 pp.
Uppaala, Almqvist och Wicksdl, 1914. — Limenmayer, Anton, Eine
cfaristliche Kaiserin in der vorkonstantiniadien Zeit (HPBl 164, 1919, 7il-
789). — Sehroen, Heinrieh, Die Bekehmng Kcinstantins des Grossen in
der Ueberlieferung (ZkTh 40, 1916, 238-257); Zur Kreuseracheiniing Kon-
stantins des Grossen (ebda. 485-528). -- 8xld. Olaf, Das altcihristliche
Biartyrium in Berlicksichtigung der roehtlichen Gnindlage der Chriatonver-
folgung. 184 n). Dorpat, Bergmann; Leipsig, Hinrichs, 1920. M. 35.
In view of the many investigations that, since the appearance
of Mommsen's famous 'Religionsfrevel nach rttmischem
Recht' (1890), have been devoted to the problem of the 1^^
grounds of the persecution of Christians, a new one may seem
almost superfluous. The reviewer would find it difficult, more-
over, to attempt to state in a few words, precisely wherein the
new element in 8ild*s investigation lies. He must be content
therefore to say that scholars will find in the book an independ-
ent discussion of the sources and literature, and one which
prompts to reflection, although its effect is unfortunately im-
paired by a clumsy treatment. What the author says about
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LrrERATUKE ON CHURCH HISTORY 200
the difference in l^al doctrine and practice between the East
and the West in regard to the persecution and condemnation of
Christians deserves attention, though it will hardly bear the
test of closer examination. Sild draws too large conclusions
from the fact that the cult of the emperors had not as much
importance in the West as in the East. — The church historian
Bihlmeyer, of Tubingen, has addressed himself with great
thoroughness to the critical problems presented by the literary
tradition about the so-caUed Syrian emperors, Caracalla,
Elagabalus, and Severus Alexander. Bihlmeyer's contribution
to the criticism of the 'Scriptores Historiae Augustae/ par-
ticularly of Lampridius's Vita of Severus Alexander is worthy
of notice. The statements of Lampridius about the religious
attitude of the emperor which have so often been utilized will
hereafter have to be employed with greater caution. In the
articles in the Quartalschrift named above Bihlmeyer rightly
denies that any special imperial edict in favor of the Christians
is to be interposed between the Edict of Galerius in Sll and the
Constitution of Milan in 81S. — Eberlein gives, among other
things, a well-considered criticism of the l^^end of the miracu-
lous downpour of rain (Thundering Legion). Unfortunately
his work is printed only in part. — Faulhaber comes to the
conclusion that the Egyptian libelli should be regarded as cer-
tificates that the holder had offered sacrifice, issued, not to
Christians who had not really done so, but to pagans and to
so-called Sacrificati. This, he thinks, is proved by the edict of
Dedus ordering sacrifice universally, and by the contents of
the Libelli, especially that of Aiu*dia Anunonus, priestess of
Petesuchos. Only in this way can it be explained that the issuing
of Libelli for the whole empire was directed from one central
office. — The empress whom Linsenmayer daunsas a Chris-
tian because she is represented on bronze coins as 'Augusta in
Pace' is the wife of Gallienus, Cornelia Salonina. — Linder*
holm, professor in Upsala, gives a good survey of the develop-
ment of the relations between church and state down to S80»
[Ptofessor Holmqvist.]
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SOO HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEVIEW
c. Martyr6U>gy and Hoifiography
This Mxanino of '^Mabttr." Coraen^ Peter ^ Begriff imd Wesen des
MifrtTien in der alien Kiiche. (NJUA 84, 1915» 481-501); Ukfmn und "^eih
ioikkfmn. (ebd. 85, 1918» 4124-426) ; Udbar Bfldtmg und Bedeutnng der Koia>
position ^a;&>rpo0l^$» ^^wSofAiivris, ^euSoiA&fyrvp, (Sokrates 6, 1918, 106-
114). — Doer gens, Heinrieh, Zur Gesdiichte des Begriffs ''Martyr.*'
(Kath. 98, 1, 1918, 805-£08). — Holl. Karl, Die Yoistdlung vom MSrty-
ler und die MXrtyTerakte in ihzer gesduchtlidien Entwickdung. (NJUA 88,
1914, 521-556); Der ursprUngliche Sinn des Namois Mttrtyrer. (ebd. $5^
1916, 258-259); "^evSofjL&fmn. (Hermes 52, 1917, 801-807). — /Tftf^iir,
Ouetav, Zm Yrage nach der Entstehung des MSrtyrertitels (ZNW 17, 1916,
264-269). — Reitzenetein, Riehardf Bemerkungen sur Martyrienlitera-
tur. i. Die Beseichnung Mttrtyrer. (NGW 1916, 417-467). — Schlatter,
Adolf, Der Mftrtyier in den Anflingen der Kirche. (BFTh 19, 8). 86 p.
GUtersloh, Bertelsmann, 1915. M. 8, 50. — Strathmann, Hermann, Der
MKrtyier. (ThLBl 87, 1916, 887-848. 858-857).
AciB AUD Lbgkndb ot Mabttbs. Allgeier, Artur, Untersudumgen
zuT ^yrischen Ueberliefenmg der SiebenschlKferl^ende (OChr 4, 1914, 279-
297; 5, 1915, 10-59; 268-270); Die a^teste Gestalt der SiebenscU&fer-
legende herausgegeben und ttbersetzt (ebd. 6, 1916, 1-48; 7, 1918, 88-87).
— Anrieh, Ouetav, Hagios Nikolaos. Der heilige Nikolaos in der griechi*
sdienKiicfae. Texte und Untersuchungen. 2Bilnde. xvi, 464 und xii, 592 pp.
Leipzig, Teubner 1918 und 1917. M. 18 und M. M. — Bruck, ^.,DasMar-
tyiium der haligen ApoUonia und seine Darstellung in der bildenden Kunst.
zi, 152 pp. Mit 100 Abbildungen. Berlin, Meuser, 1915. M. 12. — Cors^
sen, Peter, Dan Martyrium des Bischofs Cyprian (ZNW 15, 1914, 221-288,
285-816; 16, 1915, 54-92, 198-230; 17, 1916, 189-206; 18, 1917/18, lia-
189, 202-228) ; Der Schauplatz der Passion des rOmischen Bischols Sixtus 11
(ebd. 16, 1915, 147-166). — Qerhardt, Rudolf, Ueber die Akten des faL
Anthimus und des hi. Sebastianus. (Diss.) 50 pp. Jena, Frommann, 1916.
— Qrokmann, Adolf, Studien zu den Cyprianusgebeten (WZKBd 80, 1917,
121-150). — Kirech, Jokann Peter, Die Passio der heiligoi "Vier Ge-
kiOnten" in Rom (HJG 88, 1917, 7j^97) ; Die Mtfrtyrer der Katakombe ''ad
duos lauios." (Ehrengabe flir Johaim Geoig von Sadisen [vide supra, p. 287]
577-602). —lfte(2ema ,/{., Menas en Men (ThT 48, 1914, 890-404) ; De won-
derverhalen van den heiligen Menas (NAKG 14, 1918, 210-245). — Nieder-
meyer, Hans, Ueber antike Protokdl-Literatur. (Diss.) 91 pp. GOttingen,
Dieteiich, 1918. — Reitzenetein, Richard, Bemerkimgen zur Martyri-
enliteratur. ii. Nachtrfige zu den Akten Cyprians (NGW 1919, 177-219);
Cyprian der Magier (ebd. 1917, 88-79). — Reuning, Wilhelm, Zur ErkUi-
rung des Pdykarp-Martyriums. (Diss. Giessen.) iz, 49 pp. Darmstadt,
Winter, 1917. M. 1, 60. — 8 r apian, Moeee, Das Martyrium des heiligen
Pionius aus dem Altarmeniachen uebersetzt (WZKM 28, 1914, 876-405). —
Waal, Anton de, Sant' Eutichio Martire (RQ 29, 1915, 271-275).
The Meaning of ""Martyb." A vigorous and instructive
debate has been evoked by HoZZ'^ study of the idea of a martyr
and of the Acts of the Martyrs in their historical development.
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UTERATDBE ON CHUBCH HISTOBY 801
In i Cor. 16, 14, HoU finds warrant for maintaining that even
in the primitive Christian conmiimities the apostles were given
the title idLprvfm raS 6tm> because they wore regarded as wit*
nesses of the resurrection of Christ. This title was transferred
to those who witnessed in their blood, boq^use they too were
deemed to be witnesses of the resurrection. For according to
the conviction of the early Christians, to one who thus bore
testimony by his death, it was granted, in the deci3ive hour, to
behold with the eyes of the spirit the world above and the Lord
whom he confessed. Here the connection with the late Jewish
conception of the necessary death of the prophet, who was
looked upon as /idprvs roO 0€o8, is unmistakable (on this point
see also Schlatter). Thus the Spiritism of the primitive age
of Christianity was kept peculiarly alive in the conception of
martyrs; and herein the conditions were given for the repre-
sentation of the conflict of the martyrs in a special form of
literature, the Acts of the Martyrs. HoU traces the develop-,
ment of this kind of literature in its two types, narration in a
letter (Martyrdom of Polycarp, the Martyrs of Lyons, etc.),
and the records of trials (Acta Justini, Acta Scflitanorum, etc.),
as they were influenced by Jewish prototypes (2 Maccabees),
and by Hellenistic modek. Convincing as his treatment of the
Acts of the Martyrs is, the attempt to explain the origin of the
title martyr has not commanded c<»rresponding assent. jRetf-
zenstein, in particular, has pointed out that it is not the con-
fession alone that makes the martyr, but above all the joyful
endurance of jthe suffering (the ipy<^ iMfnvpAv)^ and that the
conception of martyrdom is thus intimately connected with
Hellenistic ideas of the iAnairttt^ 60kfir7is, iywviaHiSf arpan&rris.
This connection does not, however, suflSdently explain the
Christian use of the title, in which the testimony rendered in
blood is the essential factor. For this the idea that the martyrs
are ^MSrirai koL pufjap-al rod Kuploii is decisive. Our best source
of information on these points is the Martyrdom of Polycarp,
the inestimable value of which as a classical document has
again been made most evident by this new discussion. (See
also p. 369 f . Reitzenstein.) The attention of scholars should
be earnestly directed to the whole controversy*
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802 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BE VIEW
Acts and Lsoknds. Niedermeyer ahows the rdations be-
tween the Acts of Christian martyrs and the pagan judicial
Acta. He finds that for the evaluation of an account a definite
date is of decisive importance. Acts that bear no date, or only
a general indication of time, were composed independently of
the protocols and the official records, and therefore fall into the
catq^ory of stories with a purpose. Among the most important
of the martyr stories from the point of view of the history of
literature are the letters from the Church in Smyrna about
the death of Polycarp, and the different versions of the Martyr-
dom of Cyprian, which are ultimately derived from a judicial
document. The former has been subjected by Aeuntnjif to a
fresh investigation, in which he has laid special emphacds on a
comprehensive interpretation of Polycarp's prayer. Rett-
zenstein had ahready put the accounts of the death of Cyprian
in a new light in lOlS by a very important papi^ in the SAH.
He has continued his work and made a complete investigation
of the different versions of the Martyrdom in the mediaeval
Passionals and in the manuscripts of Cyprian, to the list of
which he was able to add. Contrary to Pio Franchi de' Cava-
lier! (Studi Romani, Rivista di archeologia e storia 2 (1014),
189), he believes that the version found in the manuscripts can
be proved to be the original. The articles by Corssen^ which
include in their purview not only the Acts of Cyprian but also
the Life of Cyprian by Pontius, would be more effective if they
were less diffuse and circumstantial. (See also below, p. 882,
' Cyprian.') — It is known that in the legend the bishop of
Carthage is confused with another Cyprian, the scene of whose
martyrdom is laid in Antioch. The legend of this other Cyprian
has been newly examined by Reitzenatein^ and its anteced-
ents clearly traced through successive stages back to the classi-
cal form given it by the empress Eudokia about 450. Beside
the legend, prayers by this Cyprian have been handed down,
the original Greek text of which was first published by Scher-
man in OChr 1908. Grohmann now publishes a (rerman trans-
laticm of them from the Ethiopic.
Allgeieff on the basis of a minute investigation of the tradi-
tion, shows that the oldest form of the Syriac version of the
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LITERATUBE ON CHURCH HISTORY SOS
I^i^id about the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus is preserved in the
Cod. Sachau S21 and Cod. Par. 285. This version he publishes,
with a Grerman translation. — The Acts of Anthimus and of
Sebastian are the production of an unknown writer of legends
of the fifth century, whose narrative bears the marks of free
invention, but is nevertheless instructive from the point of
view of the history of civilization. Oerhard has treated these
Acts comprehensively. — Kirsch thinks that the solution of
the much discussed problem of the Quatuor Coronati is to be
found in the following way: 1. Hie four saints buried on the
Via Labicana are not Pannonian, but Roman martyrs. 2. These
alone constitute the group which was venerated under the desig-
nation Quatuor Coronati. S. The author of the legend, without
any historical warrant, shifted the scene of their martyrdom
to Pannonia, and endeavors in his last diapter to explain how
they came to be venerated at Rome. 4. Thus the Pannonian
martyrs also are legendary. — Srapian has published from
the Cod. Mechitar. 224, anno 1428, an Armenian text of the
Acts of Pionius (Greek in von Gebhardt, Miurtyrerakten, 2d ed.,
p. 56) with a German translation. At this point attention may
be called to the fact that Ejarl Schmidt in his edition of what he
calls the Epistula Apostolorum (see the article by Professor
Lake in the Harvard Theological Review, January, 1921, p.
15 ff.) has again emphatically controverted the theory of
Corssen and Schwartz that the martyr Pionius was the author
of the Life of Polycarp. He sees in that Life the work of a
Syrian author of the second half of the fourth century. —
Saint Eutychius, on whom de Waal writes, seems not to have
suffered martyrdom under Diocletian, as has been generally
supposed, but under Decius.
The most conspicuous achievement in the field of hagiog-
raphy that we have to record is beyond doubt the work of
Anrieh (at the time of his writing professor in Strassburg;
now teaching in Bonn). The first volume contains the Vitae,
Encomia, and Thaumata, the literary precipitate of the legends
of Nicolaus, edited on the basis of a very extensive manuscript
apparatus. The second volume, besides the prolegomena to
these texts, contains wide*ranging and profound investigations
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304 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
tenoeming the two heroes of the legend, the Archimandrite
Nioolaufl of Sion and the Bishop Nicolaus of Myra, whose two
figures are so strangely intertwined. A chapter is added on the
geography and topography of Lyda. Of the rich contents of
these researches a brief notice like this can give no adequate
idea, but any scholar who works through these two volumes
thoroughly will be well rewarded for his pains, for they touch
upon subjects of the most varied interest — the history of
tradition and of language, archaeology and folk-lore, the history
of literature and of civilization. Anrich writes m a captivating
style, disposing his matter admirably, and masters the details
so that even the most ungrateful material becomes attractive
in his hands. — Continuing his work on St. Menas, begun in
his Leiden dissertation on Menas (Rotterdam 191S), Miedema
discusses the connection between the Menas cult in Egypt and
the worship of Men in Phrygia. He agrees with Delehaye in
believiQg that the Menas cult origmated in Egypt, whence it
soon found its way into Phrygia. The legend then transformed
the originally Egyptian saint into a native Phrygian one. In
Miedema's opinion a relation between the names of the two
saints is possible, but not between their respective characters
and history. To illustrate the character of the Menas l^^end
Miedema has edited ten miracle stories from the Codd. Vatic,
gr. 866 and 797. The trends bear distinctively Egyptian ear-
marks. Like Horus, Menas appears as the avenger of wrong,
and on horseback. [Bakhuizen van den Brink.]
d. The Spread qf ChrigUamiy
Allgeietp Artutt Untetmichuiigen eur aelteBten Kiidieiigeschichte in Per-
sien (Kath. 98, 2, 1918, 224HM1, 28»-^00). — Avfhatuer, Johann BapHd^
Armenieos Mufiionienmg bis zur GrrUndung der armeusdien NationaUdrehe
(ZMW 8, 1918, 75-87). — Harnack, Adolf von. Die Mission und Ausbrei-
tung des Christentums in den ersten diei Jahrhunderten. 8. Aufl. 2 BSnde.
xvi, 488 und 887 pp. Mit elf Earten. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1915. M. 15; gd>.
M. 91. — LUbeek, Konrad, Die altpersische ItfjssioQskirche (AMM 15).
181 pp. und 1 Karte. Aachen, Xaveriusveriag, 1919. M. 8, 50. — SaehaUp
Eduard, Die Chxanik von Arbeia (AAB 1915, 6). 94 pp. Beilin, Bdmer,
1915. M. 4; Vom Christentum in der Persis (SAB 1916, nodz, 958-980).
Ebd. 1916. M. 1; Zur Ausbreitung des Christentums in Anen (AAB 1919»
1). 80 pp. Ebd. 1919. M. 6.
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LITERATUBE ON CHUBCH HISTORY 305
Barnack has dedicated the third edition of his famous book
to Thomas Cuming Hall, ^investigator and teacher, the ener-
getic and faithful friend of Germany/ The new edition is a
considerable enlargement upon the second, so that even those
who possess the latter should find the new edition indispensable.
— The works of Sachau and Allgeier have substantially en-
riched our knowledge of the spread of the earliest Christianity
in Asia. The chronicle of Arbela in Adiabene (Assyria) has
proved in this respect a valuable soiut^, since for the earliest
period the Greek and Latin writers fail us. The traditions which
connect the mission with the names Bartholemew and Thomas
have gained in importance. It may with much confidence be
assumed that the mission in Persis was already in existence in
the first century. Sachau's latest work is occupied with the
expansion of the Nestorian Chiu*ch, and gives valuable infor-
mation about the several dioceses and their bishoprics. —
Liibeck has given a readable sketch of the development of
Christianity in the region under the Catholicosof Seleuda-
Ctesiphon down to the time when the countries comprised in
it were conquered by the Arabs.
3. Lm, Wbitin€», and Dochunx of thb Fathsbs
a. Editions^ in Alphabetieal Order
Ambbobiub. Sancti Ambroni Opera. Paravi: Ezplanatio PtahiuHrum XH.
Bee. If. Petschenig (CSEL 64). v, 474 pp. Wien, Tempaky; Leipdg,
Frc^tagy 1920. M. 70. ApoiiOoiSTB. Ooodspeed, Edgar /.^Dieaeltesten
Apologeten. xi, S80 pp. Gottmgen, Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1915. M.
7p 40. — KrUger, OtuUn, Die Apologien Justins des MKrtyren. 4. Aufl.
(SQ 1). zii, 91 pp. Tubingen, Mohr 1914. M. 1,25; geb. M. 1,75. Axhana-
snm. Fromen, Heinz, Athanaaii hiatoria aoephala. (Diss. Jena.) 86 pp.
MUnster L W., Bredt, 1914. Auouamnm. Sancti Auidi Augustini Tracta-
tus sive Seraumes inediti ez Codioe Gudferbytano 4096. Detezit adiectisque
oommentariis criticis primus edidit Oermanue Morin, O. 8. B. Acoedunt SS
Optati Milevitani, Quodvultdei Carthaginienflis Epiacoporum alianimque ex
Augustini schola TractatuB novem. xzaciii, S50 pp. Kempten und MUnchen,
KBfld, 1917. M. 15; geb. M. 21. DmncuB of AijncANDBiA. Zoepfl,
Friedriehf Didymi Alezandrini in epistulaa canonicas brevis enarratio.
(Neutestamentiifthe Abhandhmgcn, hrsg. von M. Meinerti 4, 1). viii, 48*
und 148 pp. Mtlnster L W., Aachendoiff, 1914. M. 5, 70. EpiPHAiauB ov
Salamib. EpiphBmuBfhng.Yoa Karl H oil. 1. Band. Anooratus und Pan*
arioQ Haereses 1-88. (GChiSchr 25). z, 464 pp. Leipsig, Hinridis, 1915.
M. 18; geb. M. 20, 50. Gblasiub or Ctzekub. G. 'a Kirch wigeaducht^
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806 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
hng. vca Gerhard Loe$ehekei^) diiidi Margarete Heinemann, (GQir
Schr 28). zl, 208 pp. Leipzig* HinridiBp 1918. M. 18,50; geb. M. 18»50.
HnsoMTicuB. Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi Epistulae. Paraiii: Epp. cm-div.
Bee. Isidorus Hilberg. (CSEL 56). viii* 368 pp. Wieo, Tempsky, imd
Ldpsig, Fr^tag, 1918. M.24. HiLABnm of PoinsBS. S.HilariiEpifooiM
Pictaviengis Opera. Pan iv: Tractatus MyBterionun. Collectanea Antiari-
ana Parisina (Fragmenta historiea) cum appendice (Liber I ad Constantium).
Liber ad Constantium imperatorem (Liber 11 ad Constantium). HymnL
Fragmenta minora. Spuria. Bee Alfredus Feder 8. J. (CSEL 65).
hoocviii, 824 pp. Wien, Tempsky, und Leipzig, Freytag, 1916. M. 16, 80.
HiPPOLTTUB. Hippolytus Werke. 8. Band. Befutatio onmium haereseum.
Hrsg. von Paul Wendland. (GChiSchr. 26). zxdv, 887 pp. Leipzig, Hin-
richs, 1916. M. 16; geb. M. 19. Ibknaeub. S. Irenaei Episoopi Lugdunen-
sis Demonstratio Apostdicae Praedicationis (Els krideiiw rod diroo-roXucou
KtifiOyfiaros). Ex armeno vertit, prdegomenis illustravit, notis locupletavit
Simon Weber, viii, 124 pp. Freiburg, Hoder, 1917. M. 8. Methodius
OF Oltmfub. Methodius. Hrsg. von 0. Naihanael Bonwetech, (GChr-
Schr 27). zlii, 578 pp. Leipzig, EQnricfas, 1917. M. 27; geb. M. 20. Obi-
GKNte. Origenes Werke. 6. Band. Homilien zum Hesateuch in Bufins Ueber-
setzung. Hrsg. von W. A. Baehrene. Erster Teil. Die Homilien zu Gene-
sis, Exodus und Leviticus. (GChrSchr. 29). zzzvii, 507 pp. Leipzig, Sn-
richs, 1920. M. 81,25; geb. M. 47,25. Dazu vgl. Baehrene.W. A.^
Ueberiieferung und Textgesdiichte der lat»nisch erhaltenen Origenes-
HoDCiilien zum Alten Testament. (TU 42, 1). viii, 257 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs,
1916. M. 9, 50. Pai^tTDO-CrpBiAN. See Tertullian. Tebtuiuak. Rau^
ecken^ Oerhard, IlOTilegium patristicum 10: TertuUiani de paenitentia et
de pudidtia reoensio nova, iv, 104 pp. Bonn, Hanstein, 1915. M. 2. —
Ibid. 11 : TertuUiani de baptismo et Ps.-Cypriaiii de rebaptisnutte recensio
nova, iv, 77 pp. Ebenda 1916. M. 12; Emoidationes et adnotationes ad
TertuUiani apdogeUcum. 58 pp. Ebenda 1919. M. 1, 20. Victobinub of
PxarTAU. Yictorini Episoopi Petavionensis Opera ex recensione JohanntM
Baueeleiter, (CSEL 49). bodv, 194 pp. Wien» Tempsky, und Leipzig,
Frc^tajs, 1916. M. 15.
The large number of exemplary editions of the works of the
ChliTch Fathers which have appeared during and since the war
is surely one of the best proofs of the eagerness and the success
with which work has been carr^ on in Grermany in these
sorry times. In particular, the two collections which we are
accustomed to call the Vietma Corpus (CSEL) and the Berlin
Corpus ((rChrSchr) have beeai enlarged by a number of valu-
ablevolumes, and still others are in prosp^. We shall take
up the new editions severally in alphabetical order. Of Pet^
8chenig*8 edition of Ambbobe^s Explanation of the Psalms
the seccmd volume has appeared. This contains the Enaira-
tiones in duodedm psalmos Davidicos (Psalms 1, Sfi-40, 43, 45,
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LTTEBATUKE ON CHURCH HISTORY 807
47, 48, 61), which were composed at different times. The not
very numerous extant manuscripts fall into two classes, whose
archetypes must have been written m the early Middle Ages.
The codices of the first dass (Paris 1783, Ambros. (without
numeral), Trecensis 988), from the eleventh and twelfth cen-
turies, have the greater value; nevertheless the leading man-
uscripts of the second dass (Paris 1789, 14465, 16898) from the
twelfth century are not to be n^lected. Codex Parisinus 1788
must be r^arded as the true basis for the text.
The lack of a handy complete edition of the Greek Apoi/>-
QiSTs of the second century has long been felt, and this has now
been supplied by Ooodspeed. Theophilus of Antioch alone is
not induded, an omission which is explicable in view of the
great length of his Apology, but is nevertheless to be regretted.
The Syriac Aristides is presented in Latin translation; the
Greek fragments are introduced essentially in the form in which
the text was given by Geffcken (Zwei griechische Apologeten,
Leipzig 1907). For Justin the Codex Parisinus was freshly
collated, and the text of the manuscript is followed substan-
tially throughout, with rather excessive conservatism. In the
case of Tatian, too, a more conservative attitude toward the
manuscript tradition is maintained than was held by Schwartz
in his edition (TU4, 1888). For Athenagoras a photograph of
the Arethas manuscript was employed for comparison with the
editions of Schwartz (TU 4, 1891) and Geffcken (see above).
The brief introductions to the several authors are written in
German. That Goodspeed's edition does not satisfy all re-
quirements may be seen, for example, from QeffcherCs review
of it in ThLZ 40 (19^6), 868.
Fromen has brought out a critical edition with historical
explanations of the 'BQstoria Acephala,' which is an important
source for the history of Athanasius. As the time of its com-
position he leaves the years from 878 to 880 open, whereas
hitherto a date between 885-402 had been accepted. — A very
wdcome discovery has been made by the indefatigable Mot in.
In a Wolf enbttttd manuscript which must have been written
in the ninth century in northern Germany, he discovered
ninety-five (ninety-six) sermons, of which seventy-two cap with
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808 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEVIBW
oertamty be ascribed to AnoTmTnnB* including thirty-three
which were previously wholly or in part unknown. Morin has
published these thirty-three» and in an appendix nine other
sermons, one of which he attributes to Optatus of Mileve, and
four to Quodvultdeus of Carthage, to whom Augustine ad-
dressed his treatise ^De haeresibus/ The authors of the four
others he is unable to determine. The gem of the collection is
sermon 82, 'de ordinatione episcopi,' an extensive discourse
which Augustine must have delivered soon after the CoUatio
cum Donatistis (411). The edition has been prepared with that
circumspection and painstaking care which were to be expected
of Morin. The external form of the volume may fairly be called
magnificent, worthy of the great subject, and a treasure for
book^lovers. A full descriptive account of the several pieces in
the collection is given by Carl Weyman, HJG 39 (1919), 117.
The Greek text of the commentary on the Catholic Epistles
by DiDTMus THE BuND is lost, but for insignificant fragments.
The Latin translation made by Epiphanius Scholasticus, the
friend of Cassiodorus, has to serve instead of the original. Of
this translation Zdpfl has furnished a critical edition, taking
as a basis, in addition to the manuscripts (Codd. Laonensis,
Berolinensis, Vaticanus), the editio princeps of 1581, which
rests on a manuscript basis of its own.
A critical edition of the writings of Efxphanius of Salamis
has long been felt to be one of the pressing needs of learned
studies in this field, since neither Dindorf nor Oehler based his
text on adequate material, or was able to form any clear idea
of the manuscript tradition. This lack has now been supplied
by HolL As far back as 1910, in a m<mograph in TU 86, 2, he
had laid the foundations for a text which should satisfy all de-
mands, and such a text he has given us in this edition. Un-
fortunately, though some of the manuscrq>ts aie old (Cod.
Vatic, goes back without intermediary to a complete edition
of the works current in the ninth century), the tradition is poor
and the editor is constrained at every turn to resort to conjec-
tural emendaticm. In this procedure, Holl has shown the skill
of a master, andhas presented us a text that is not arbitrarily
made to conform to preconceived notions, but rests on sober
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LITERATURE ON CHmCH HISTORY S09
and trustworthy considerations. A special merit of tlu3
edition is the apparatus, which gives not only references to all
Biblical passages and parallels in other authors — of itself an
extremely laborious undertaking — but also abimdant refer-
ences to the modem literature and many observations of the
editor's own. The whole work has deservedly been called a
philological masterpiece of the first order. — A substantial
addition to the tools of our learned craft is an edition of Gbia-
sitrs's Church History, prepared by the church historian
LoeBchcke, who unfortunately died prematurely before the
war. We had previously no complete edition of this history,
but had to depend for books 1 and 2 on Balforeus's edition of
1599 and reprints of it, and for book 3 on Ceriani's edition of
1861. The diief manuscripts have proved to be Codd. Ambros.
5S4, Vatic. 1142, and BSerosol. 111. None of these manu-
scripts is free from errors, and it was the task of the editor to
construct by means of internal criticism a text which should
correspond as closely as possible to the original text of Grelasius.
In this, by general consent, Loeschcke was most successful,
and, unless new material should com^ to light, his edition may
be considered definitive.
Of Hilherg^s edition of the Letters of Hierontmits the
third and last volume of the text has appeared. The Frol^o-
mena and the Indices are still lacking; tiie manuscript of these,
according to the editor, has been handed in to the Academy,
but has not yet been printed. — Feder had already done pre-
liminary work for his edition of the minor writings of Hilarius
in his 'Studien zu Hilarius von Poitiers,' which appeared in
1910-12 in SAW, and for the Prolegomena he coidd refer to
this work. The chief interest of scholars has always centred
upon the polemic-historical writings, and above all upon the
so-called 'FragmentaHistorica.' These Feder proposes to desig-
nate as Xollectanea (not collectio) antiariana Parisina,* in
view of the contents and tradition an appropriate title. Hap-
pily he has resisted the temptation to arrange the fragments ac-
cording to his personal surmises. If Feder is right, Hilarius
wrote in 356, before he went into exile, a work probably bearing
the title 'Opus historicum adversus Valentem et Ursadum/
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SIO HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEVIEW
To this the first two fragments belong, and probably the third
also, as well as the Xiber I ad Constantium/ After Seleucia
and Rimmi» probably in December S69, he wrote in Constanti-
nople a book with the same title, and as 'Liber 11 ad Constan-
tium/ to which fragments 4-10 may be ascribed. The remain-
ing fragments may belong to a Liber IQ, which appeared shortly
before the death of Hilarius (367), or shortly after. The ex-
cerpts from the work which led to the present collection were
made before 400. In the new edition of the 'Tractatus Mys-
teriorum' many errors of the first editor, Gamurrini (1887),
were to be corrected as a result of a fresh examination of the
Codex Aretinus. Besides the undoubtedly genuine hymns,
those that are doubtful, or are certainly not genuine, are also
printed. Feder offers supplementary notes in WSt 41 (1020),
51-60, 167-181.
The edition of Hippolttus' Refutatio by Wendland is de-
signed to replace the G5ttingen edition by Duncker and Schnei-
dewin, the Oxford edition by Miller, and the Paris edition by
Cruice. This end has been fully attained. The volume cannot,
however, be taken up without sadness, for Wendland died
(1915) before he had finished his work. A short preface signed
by Hermann Diels and Karl Holl informs us that Wendland
was able to supervise the printing of the text and to prepare the
indexes; but for the introduction, which was to deal not only
with the history of the tradition, but also with material prob-
lems, he had got no farther than a sketch, only a few parts of
which had been completely worked out. No attempt has been
made to make a whole out of these fragments. The only addi-
tion to the author's work is the account of the manuscripts and
printed editions which was indispensable to the use of the
edition. One excellence of this new edition, as in Holies
Epiphanius, are the references beneath the text to cognate ideas
in other authors. The short tractate of Ijxenaeus, preserved
only in Armenian, in proof of the Apostolic preaching, was
translated into German by Weber 1912 for the Bibliothek der
Kirchenvitter. He has now published it in Latin translation.
Scholars who know Armenian, like Allgeier (ThBev 17, 1918,
SfS) and Fteuschen (ThLZ 44, 1919, 77), praise the trustr
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LTTERATURB ON CHURCH HISTORY 811
worthiness of this literal translation. In 1891 Bonweidch made
accessible to us a collection of the works of MBTHODnrs by
a Slavic translator which greatly enlarged our knowledge of the
literary production of the Bishop of Olympus. The new edition
of his work unites in one volume all the renuiins of the writings
of Methodius. A comparison of the introduction to this volume
with the Prolegomena of the edition of 1891 shows at every
point that in the meantime Bonwetsch has not been idle. In
view of the completeness with which all the attainable material
has been brought together and the thoroughly reliable way in
which it has been edited, the edition may well be called defini-
tive. The volume begins with the cviirbavw fj rcpl iyvdas (this
is the correct title), for which Bonwetsch has had recourse to
the direct tradition. This is followed by the other writings
in the order in which they stand in the Slavic Corpus; and at
the end are the fragments from rcpl tQp yGrqrHv (Photius),
icard nop^vpbi;, on Job, xepl fiafirhfKay (Theodoret, Parallela
Sacra), and some fragments which it is impossible to assign
definitely. The copious index of passages makes it easy to get
an insight into Methodius's sources and cognate material.
After the death of Franz Skutsch the edition of the Homilies
of Origen on Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Joshua and
and Judges, was entrusted to Baehrens^ who in a study pub-
lished in 1916 in the TU made dear the relations of the textual
tradition. For the history of the text it is an important fact
that, as Baehrens proved, the five archetypes of the Latin
translation preserved to us come from Cassiodorus's library at
Vivarium, whither they had probably bee;n brought from the
library of Eugippius in Castellum Lucullanum. There was no
other tradition of the text than that which goes back to these
archetypes. The Greek fragments are included in the edition
under a rule. It adds to the usefulne^ of the edition that the
parallels found in Philo, Procopius, Ambrose, and especially
in Origen himself, are included in the literary apparatus. An
important aid is thus provided for the study of the Alexandrian
interpretation of the Bible, since the large dependence of Origen
upon Philo is nowhere more demonstrable than in these
Homilies*
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812 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEVIEW
Rausohen^s editions of two writings of TvEewvuiAix, de-
signed primarily for seminary exercises^ have text-critical value.
Professor Esser in Bonn, one of the most competent judges in
the matter, has described the edition of 'De paenitentia' and
^Depudidtia' as the best that we possess. In many places the
correct reading has been restored, and the text is accompanied
by an ample apparatus of valuable notes. On these editions
cf. further, G. Esser, ThRev 15 (1916), 65 and 16 (1917), Je56.
— On the edition of the Pseudo-Cyprianic treatise ^De re-
baptismate' cf. the additional critical remarks of EmH,
ZkTh 41 (1917), 726-741. For the work of Victobinus no
editor better qualified by his knowledge of the subject could
well have been found than Haussleiter. He has been occu-
pied with preparations for a complete edition of this author for
the Vienna Corpus ever since 1886. He discovered that in Cod.
Ottobon. 3288A the commentary on the Apocalypse by the
bishop of Pettau was preserved in its original form, not dis-
figured by Jerome's alterations, as in all the printed editions.
His efforts to discover other witnesses to this text were un-
fortunately vain, and the Ottobonianus remains our only
source. Facing the genuine Victorinus laboriously recovered
from that mamiscript, Haussleiter sets on the opposite page the
bastard text of Jerome, distinguishing in it the late$r recensions
by means of an easily intelligible system of brackets. Those
who use the edition can hardly realize what a wearisome task
this presentation of the text involved. The edition of the
Commentary is preceded by the little treatise ^De fabrica
mundi.' For the text of this also there is only a single witness,
the Lambeth Codex 414.
b. TrandatUms
Bihliothek der KirehenvUter. Eine Auswahl patristisdier Werke in
deutflcher Uebenetzimg. Hisg. von Otto Bardenhewer, Theodor Seher^
mann, Carl Weyman, 16-87. Band. Kempten und Mtt|ichen» KOfld» 1914-
1920. Jeder Band geb. M. 4, 50. — Hertling, Georg Graf von. Die Be-
kenntniaie des U. AugustinuB. 8.-15. Aufl. x, 5W pp. Titdbfld. 12^. Frei-
buig. Herder, 1915-19. M. 5; geb. M. 6, 50. —Oud^Christelijke Sehrii^
vers in N ederlandsehe Vertaling, onderBedactie van H. U. Meyhoom.
Ldden, A. W. Sijthoff. Each Part, fl. 1, 50. —ZeUerdem K. F., En anonym
biognfi dfver biakop Badbbula i EdeMa. OfvenaUfrAnqrri8lca(KAl6,1915,
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LITERATURE ON CHURCH HISTORY 813
1-40).— Zufk^llen-Pfleider^r, Else, Augiutinf BekamtniSM. Gakttxst
und verdeutacht. S.Auflage. 159 pp. Gdttingen» Vandcmhoeck upd Bupreoht,
l9StO. M. 2,50.
That important undertaking, the Bibliothek der Kirchen-
vdter, the first volumes of which appeared in 1911, has made
active progress. The translations are in all cases careful; the
introductions, frequently dealing minutely with the subject, are
based upon thorough acquaintance with the literature, and may
be consulted with advantage ev^ for questions of critical de-
tail. The following volumes have appeared in the period cov-
ered by our survey; volumes 17, 21, and 32, Ambrosius, Hexa-
meron, Lukaskommentar, Ethische Schriften (J. E. Niedcr-
kuber); 35, Apostolische VtCter (jP. Zeiler); 31, Athanasius,
Reden g^en die Arianer (A. Stegmann); Leben des Antonius,
and (as an appendix) Leben des Pachomius (J7. Mertel) ; 16, 18,
19, 28, 29, 30, Augustinus, Gottesstaat (A. Schrdder); Johannes-
evangelium (Tk. Specht); Bekenntnisse und Brief e (A. Hoff-
mann); 20, Regel Benedicts von Nursia (P. BiMmeyer); 23,
25, 26, 27, Chrysostomus, MatthSuskommentar {J. Chr. Bauer) ;
Vom Priestertum (A. Naegle); 34, Cyprian, Traktate (J.
Boer); 37, Ephraem der Syrer, Reden und Hymnen (0. Bar-
denheioer); 33, Justin, Dialog und Mahnrede (Ph. Hdiiser);
36, Laktantius (A. Hart[); 20, Sulpicius Severus, Martin-
schriften (P. BiMmeyer); 24, Tertullian 11 (6. Esaer); 20,
Vincenz von Lerinum (0. Rauschen); 22, Persische Mfirtyrer
(0. Braun).
In the collection of Dutch translations under the direction of
MeybooMy the works of Clement of Alexandria (11 parts), and
Irenaeus's "'Weerleging en Af wending der valschelijk dusge-
naamde Wetenschap" (4 parts), both by Meyboom, have ap-
peared. In the judgment of Bakuizen van den Brink the
translation is faithful and readable.
c. Oeneral Works an PabriBtiea
Bardenhmoer^ OUo, Geschichte der altlrirrWichen lateratur. 2. Band. Vom
Bode des 2. bis sum Anfang des 4. Jahrhimderts. 2. Aufl. xiv»789pp. Erei-
burg. Herder, 1914. M. 14; geb. M. 16, 60. — Iforr, /., Abriss der Patzo-
logie. 2. Aufl. viii, JM)1 pp. Paderbom, Schaningh, 1919. M. 6. — Sekan»»
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814 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
If arltn, Geschichte der r5iiiifdie& littemtur bis sum Ge8eUgebinignr«ric des
Kaisen Justinian. 4. Teil: 1. Hdfte: Die littenttur des vierten Jahdniii-
dflrts. ft.AuSLTV,67^pp. MUnchen, Bedc» 1914. M. 17» 50; 9d>. BL 88, M.
ft. HHlfte: Die littermtur dee fUnflen und sechsten JahihunderU. Yaa
Martin 8ehan» (t)» Carl Homxum und (7««<av KrUg^r. xviii, 881 ppw
Ebenda 1980. M. 50; geb. M. 78.
The second edition of the second volume of Bardenkewer^s
latteraturgeschichte everywhere gives evidence of careful re-
vision. The formal side of the writings, in particular, receives
more attention, and the sections on the development of the
literature in general have been thoroughly recast. It may be
remarked here that the concluding volume of Bardenhewer's
work has not yet appeared. On the other hand, Schanz's
Rfimische Literaturgeschichte has been brought to completion,
and in it a work of reference created such as in similar compre-
hensiveness we have hitherto not had either in German or in
any other language. After Schanz's death (1914) the task was
taken up by HosiuSy professor of classical philology in Wttrz-
burg, and Kriiger, professor of theology in Giessen, the author
of the present review. While in the part of the work which he
undertook Hosius was able to avail himself of preparatory
studies by Schanz which were already well advanced, KrUger
had to break up completely new ground, so that the part pub-
lished by him is entirely his own production. Especial pains
have been taken in the characterization of the several writers,
the assembling of the whole scientific apparatus, and the ex-
position of the learned controversies. That the author was
enabled to include the most recent literature in English he owes
to the active assistance of Professor Alexander Souter in Cam-
bridge. Inasmuch as in a work of this kind the personality of
the author is completely in the background, it will not be re-
garded as an exhibition of vanity on his part if in this place he
says of his own work that it will be an indispensable aid for all
learned studies in the history of the literature of its period.'
' It may be noted here that the third part of Scfaani, compriaing the literature from
liiniicius Fdix to Lactantiiu^ which is at present out of print, will be ready in a i
edition, con4>leiely revised by the present writer, in the autunm of this year.
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LTTEBATUBE ON CHUBCH HISTORY 815
d. Monoffroffhi and CnHeail Inoet^iffaiionM
1. Gjbnaual.
Baur £., Untersudmiigen liber die VerggttJichwngiilehre in der Theologie
der grieduachen VHter (ThQ 98, 1916. 407-491; 99» 1917/18, «25-«ff2; 100,
1919, 4St»^A^).—Bou98eU FTtZA^Im, Jttdiach-christficher Schulbetrieb in
Alexandria und Bom. (FRLANT, Neue Foige, 6). viii, 819. GkSttingen,
Vandenhoeck und Buprecht, 1915. M. 12. — Emmel^ Karl^ Das Fortieben
der antiken Lehren Yoa der Besedung bei den KochenyMtem. (Diss.
Giessen.) v, 107. Boma-Leipsig, Noske.* — Harnaokt Adolf von^ Der
''Eros "in der alten christliehen Literatur. (SAB 1918, v, 81-94). Ber-
lin, Beimer, 1918. M. 1. — Harnaek, Adolf von. Die Terminologie der
Wiedergebiirt und verwandto Eilebnisse in der Itltesten Koche. (TU 42, 8,
97-148). Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1918. M. IS, 90 [see below, under Qrigen]. —
HoUhey, Karl^ Das Bild der Erde bei den EorchenyMtem. (Festgabe
Kn5pfler [supra p. 287], 177-187). — Huebner^ Margareie, Unter-
suchungen uber das Naturrecht in der altchristliehen Literatur, besonders des
Abendlandes, vom Ausgang des 2. Jahxbunderts bis Augustin. (Diss.) zi, 82.
Bonn, Georgi, 1918. — Kneller^ C. A., Job. 19, 26-27 bei den Sjxdien-
vlitem (ZNTh 40, 1916, 597-612). — KrUger, OuMtav. Die Bibddichtung
BU Ausgang des Altertums. Mit einem Anbang: Des Avitus von Vienna
Sang vom Faradiese, zweites Buch, im Versmass der Uischrift ttbertragen.
82. Giesaen, TOpebnann, 1919. M. 2. — Loofs, Friedrieh, Die Christo-
Idgie der Maobdonianer. (StudienfUrHauck [supra p. 288], 64-76); Zweima-
oedonianische Disloge. (SAB 1914, zuc, 526-551). Berlin, Beimer, 1914.
M. 1. — Meyer, Hane, Greschiefate der Lehie von den Keimkritften von der
Stoa bis zum Ausgang der Patristik. v,227. Bonn, Hanstdn, 1914. M.4,50.
— Ndz, A., Die theoiogischen Schulen der morgenlltndischen Kiichen
wSbrend der sieben ersten christliehen Jahrhunderte in ihrer Bedeutung fllr
die Ausbildung des Klerus. iii, 112. Bonn, Hanstem, 1916. M. 1, 50, —
Schilling, Otio, Naturrecht und Staat nach der Lehre der ahen Kirche.
(VBSG 24). viii, 247. Paderbom, Sdi&ningh, 1914. M. 7. — Sehulie,
Eleazar, O. F. M., Die Entwiddung der Lehre vom menschlichen Wissen
Christi. (ELDG12,2). vii, 147. Paderbom, Schtfnmgh, 1914. M.4,50.—
Walther, Oeorg, Untersuchungen sur Geschichte der griechischen Vaterun*
ser-Exegese. (TU 40, 8). viii, 128. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1914. M. 4,50.—
Zahn, Theodor, Ein Kompendium der biblischen Prophetic aus der afri-
kanischen Sjxche um 805-825. (Studien Hauck [mpra, p. 288], 52-68).
— Haase, Felix, Christlich-orientalische Ranschriftenkataloge (Ehrengabe
[vide supra, p. 287], 1-15).
Genbral. The variety of subjects brought together under
this heading is so great that the reviewer is constrained to
abandon any attempt at a mibthodical grouping and to fall
back upon the simple alphabetical order. Bauer* s investiga-
tion has to do with the question how the doctrine of Oitaais was
* HaaȤ, see below (alter Zahn).
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S16 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEVIEW
worked out into the comprehensive* speculative, fundamental
concept of the dogmatics of the church, so that it was not only
made fruitful for the theorctical comprehension of Christian
doctrine, but the moral d^nands and the content of the sacra-
mental liturgy were linked with it, and thus the glow of Chris-
tian mysticism could be kindled from it and inflamed to the
highest pitch. Bauer endeavors to make this dear to b^pn
with in the writers of the first two centuries. The articles are
not yet concluded: Lrenaeus and Clement are still lacking.
The theme which jBoii^^^t treats is equally significant for
philologists and theologians. In a study of the writings of Phflo
and Clement of Alexandria he came upon the problem how to
separate what was original in the two men from what they had
received through a school tradition. Investigation showed that
Philo built up his exegetical work on an older foundation which
is almost everywhere clearly recognizable. The sources which
he thus used stand much nearer to the spirit of Hellenistic cul-
ture and philosophy than Philo himself. This material came
to him from Jewish exegetical schools in Alexandria. Similarly
Clement in large parts of the Excerpts and Eclogae, apparently
also in his Hypotyposes, drew largely from an extraneous
source characterized by peculiar ideas which Bousset desig-
nates as in the broader sense of the word gnostic; as the author
hp is inclined to conjecture Pantaenus. In the Paedagogus and
the first five books of the Stromata, Clement is more independ-
ent; while the last books show that after he left Alexandria he
fell back upon his earlier note books. Thus, as we find the prod-
ucts of Jewish exegetical schools behind the literary produc-
tions of Philo, so there emerges behind those of Clement the
teaching of the Alexandrian catechetic school. Bousset thinks
that the work of very different minds is clearly to be discerned
in it — antiquarians whose learning commanded Clement's
highest respect, and theosophists who influenced his whole
thinking, although his personal interest did not fasten upon
their perilous fantastic notions, but was thrpughout dominated
by the great idea of a reconciliation of Christianity with Greek
philosophy. With the key to the understanding of Philo and
Clement which he has thus discovered, Bousset endeavors in
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UTKRATDBS ON CERDRCH HISTORY S17
the last section of his book to explam certain phmomena in the
Christian literature of the second centuiy, and to gain an in-
sight into the nature of the ancient Christian BM^icaKos and
his method of instruction. The work in all its parts is unusually
stimulating, and will keep its ch^rm under critical examination
and in further development. That its author was taken away
by an untimely death (March 8, 1920) ^ is a great loss to inter-
national scholarship. — EmmeVs dissertation deserves atten-
tion both on account of its subject and of the copious material
which the author has collected. Emmel shows how the con-
troversy about the origia of animal life in the foetus which had
its rise in Greek philosophy was taken up in Christianity, and
particularly the form and application which the Church Fathers
gave it in order to create a theoretical substructure capable of
supporting the doctrine of original sin.
Haase gives a catalogue of the Syrian, Armenian, Coptic,
Arabic, Aethiopic, and Abyssinian manuscripts of Christian
origin. They offer much material for the textual criticism of
the Old and New Testaments, for liturgies, hagiography, the
history of theological literature, and heresiology. Through the
numerous Apocrypha preserved in them, they are also an inex-
haustible mine for folk-lore and for piety.
Harnack aims to exhibit the development through which
the conception of tp<as as sensual love, which was current among
Christian writers (Ignat. ad Rom. 7), was transformed into the
lofty appraisal of it that is found in Origen and still more in
Dionysius the Areopagite: OtUntpov Avax t6 tov ifnaros ftw/ia red
rffs iiyiiTrfs. In the essay named in the second place above
Harnack gives a wide extension to the idea of 'regeneration';
almost eversrthing is discussed which stands in any relation to
the Christian 'renewal' (Ai^cucaboHrts). The article is not merely
a collection of materials, but makes contributions to method-
ology. Harnack is especially concerned to oppose the — in his
opinion erroneous — method of the historians of religion, who
think that they throw light upon the Christian religion by as-
certaining where particular opinions, ideas, and images orjgi-
* Not Mardi 10, m wm itated by miftake in the Jaiitiaiy number of this Review,
pw<0, tt.4.
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S18 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEVIEW
nated, and what their original meaning was. — Holzhey has
treated an interesting theme with much intelligence. He shows
how the doctrine of the spherical form of the earth, which was
entirely familiar to Greek science, fell into discredit with the
Fathers in their endeavour to rescue the Mosaic account of
creation and especially the biblical idea of the <rr^»^/ia, and
eventually so completely disappeared that it had to be redis*
covered at the end of the Middle Ages. — iS^n^Z^r shows that
the Fathers interpreted the words of Jesus on the cross to his
mother and to John as a testimony to the birth from the Virgin,
and to give support to the custom of tdrgines subintroduetae. —
Krilger*s endeavour is chiefly to rescue the poetical paraphrase
of Smpture by Avitus of Vienna from unmerited oblivion. He
sees in it the climax of epic composition in the andeut church,
reminiscences of which may be discovered even in Milton. —
Loofs supplements his numerous studies on the history of the
Arian controversy by an admirable account of the homoiousian
party, for the purpose of illumining the Christdiogy of the
Macedonians, who developed out of that party under homoian
influence. In the second of the articles noted he has investi-
gated the Macedonian quotations in Didymus of Alexandria,
and with them collected the other scanty identifiable remains
of Macedonian writings. — Especially to be commended is the
admirable study of Meyer on the doctrine of the \b/yoi arep-
^arucol in Greek philosophy and in the Church Fathers. It
would be hard to find an equally thorough philosophical inves-
tigation which deals with difficult problems in so readable and
suggestive a fashion. Augustine is treated with especial
thoroughness.
Schilling's work is occasioned by Trodtsch's celebrated
book on the ^Soziallehren.* He is not convinced that Trodtsch
is right in his contention that the state and its institutions ap-
peared to the early ecclesiastical writers to be founded upon
' Urfreveln der Menschheit,' and that consequently these writers
contradict their own fundamental principle when — since they
could not simply reject the state — they took up and adapted
the Stoic lex naturae to give a justification to it. In Schilling's
view no such contradiction exists. The truth is rather that in
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LITERATURB ON CHURCH HISTORY 819
rq^ardiiig the state from the point of view of the law of nature,
these writers were not adapting kindred, but non-Christian,
forces and ideas; the law of nature is, on the contrary, from
the very b^jinning rooted and grounded in the Christian idea
as it is set forth by Jesus (Matt. 7, 12) and by Paul. To prove
thu Schilling treats first the classical doctrine of the law of
nature in the Stoa and the doctrine of the Roman jurists, and
then traces the development of the Christian doctrine of the
law of nature in the individual Fathers down to Isidore of
Seville. The addition and expansion which Schilling thus gives
to Troeltsch's presentation of the subject are recognized by
Troeltsch himself as valuable (ThLZ 40, 1915, 485, and HZ 115,
1915, 9ft-109). — In her re^examination of the problem PrSu-
lein Huebner comes to the result that the Fathers, notwith-
standing all their agreement with the Stoic theory, did not find
their way to a recognition of the state. The historical state ap-
peared to them, in spite of everything, as a result of sin; and
they gave hardly any serious consideration to the possibility of
a development of it on the good side. According to Frfiulein
Huebner therefore Troeltsch's conclusion must be regarded as
substantially established.
The problem of the human knowledge of Christ ever afresh
occupies theologians, most recently Bishop Gore (The Problem
of the Consciousness of our Lord in his Mortal Life, 1917).
Schulte gives a r6sum£ of the history of the problan from
Origen to the Carolingian theologians. Unfortunately, as F.
Diekamp in ThRev 14 (1915), 101-108 has shown by numerous
examples, the work lacks qitical acumen and accuracy in de*
tails. — Walther investigates the question whether the Greek
patristic interpreters of the Lord's Prayer wctc influenced by
one another in their understanding of it, and if so to what ex-
tent. The Fathers examined are Clement, Origen, Cyril of
Jerusalem, Gregory of Nyssa, Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria,
Maximus Confessor, and Peter of Laodicea. It turns out that
they hardly ever get beyond the questions which Origen had
raised* Cyril of Jerusalem influenced especially Gr^ory and
Chrysostom. The influence of the latter Fathers is not easy
to estimate, but that of Chrysostom is evident in Peter. Val*
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920 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVKW
liable critical additfens are made by 6. W<rfilfliiberg» ThLBl 85
(1915), 82-^. — Zahn reprinto, after a fresh collatkHi, the
'Prc4>hetiae ex omnibus libns,' which Amelli published in the
BfisceUanea Casinense frmn Cod. Sangall. 1S8. Zahn considers
it to be a handbook of biblical prophecy for readers who had
small acquaintance with the Scriptures. Compare the review
by G. Wohlenberg, ThLBl 36 (1016), 65^0.
2. The Fathsbs» is Alfoabrical Obdsb.
AiCBBOBiABTEB. Mufidle^ WUkelm^ Die Ez^;ese der paulinischen Briefe
im Kommentftr des Ambrosiaster. Diss. 95 pp. Marburg i. H., Chr. Scfaaaf .
Ambbooub. Friedrieh^ Philipp^ St. Amfaffosius voo Maiiiind fiber die
Jungfnidichkeit Marias v<v der Geburt (Kath. 97» 2» 1917, 145-1S9, 28d-
258» 819-8SS; St. Ambrosius van Mailand uber die Jimgfraugdburt Marias.
(Festgabe Kntfpfler [supra p. 287], 89-109). Amiconiub. Zahn, Theodor,
Der Ezeget Ambrosius (ZEG 88, 1990, 1-22, 311-886). AroLOonnB.
Andres, Friedrich, Die Engdldire dtf griediiscben Apologetea des sweiten
Jahrhunderts und ihr Verhiiltnis sur griechisch-rtfmischen Dttmonologie
(FLDG 12, 8). xz, 188 pp. Paderbom, Sch5niiigh, 1914. M 6. — Ciud, Odo,
Die Eudiaristidelue des hi. Justinus Martyr ^th. 94, 1, 1914, 158-176,
248-268, 881-855, 414-486). — Friedru^, PkUipp, Studien cum Lehrbegriff
des frUhchristlickeii Apologeten Mardanus Aristides (ZkTh 48, 1919, 81-77).
— Haase, Felix, Der Adressat der Aristides-Apologie (ThQ 99, 1918, 422-
429). — Harnaeie, Adolf von, Rhodon und Apelles. (Studieu Haud^ [see
p. 288], 89-51). — Preuschen, Erwin, Die Echtheit von Justins Dialog
gegenTrypho (ZNW 19, 1920, 102-127). — Waibel, Alfone, Die nattirliche
Gotteserkemitnis in der apologetischen Litteratur des zweiten Jahrhundarts.
(Diss. Breslau.) ii, 140 pp. Kempten, KOsd, 1916. AsTEEnTS of Amasea.
Bretz, Adolf, Studien und Tezte zu Asterios von A. (TU 40, 1). iv, 124 pp.
Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1914. M.4. AxHANABnJB. ffii^^«r, F., Des heiligen Atba-
nasius Traktat in Matth. 11, 27 (ZkTh 42, 1918, 487-441). — Reitzenstein,
Richard, Des Athanasius Werk Uber das Leben des heiligen Antonius.
(SAH 1914, 8). [See below under Monasticism, p. 869 f.] — Stegmann,
Anion, Die pseudoathanasianische ivte Rede g^en die Arianer als sard
*kfi€iavQ>v X670; ein Apollinarisgut. 214 pp. Rottenburg, Baader, 1917.
M. 4, 50; Zur Datienmg der drei Reden des hl^ Athanasius gegen die Arianer
(ThQ 96, 1914, 428-450; cp. 98, 1916, 227-281). — Weigl, Eduard, Unter-
suchungen zur Christologie des heiligen Athanasius. (FLDG 12, 4). viii,
190 pp. Paderbom, Sch&ningh, 1914. M. 16. — Woldendorp, Johannee
Jacob, De incamatione. £en Geschrift van Athanasius. (Diss.) 72 pp.
Groningen, Wolters, 1919. AuotiSTiNXTB. Aalders, W, /., A. 's bekeer-
ing (Stemmen des tijds 4, 1915, 1-28. 128-155). — Adam, Karl, Die kirdi-
liche Sttndenvergebung nach dem heiligen Augustinus. (FLDG 14, 1). z,
167 pp. Paderbom, Schtfningh, 1917. M. 6. — Boehmer, Heinrich, Die
Lobpreisungen des Augustinus (NkZ 26, 1915, 419-488, 487-^512). — Drae-
eehe, Johannes, Zur Frage nach den Quellen von Augustins Kenntnis der
griechischen Philosophie (ThStKr 89, 1916, 541-^562). — Eisenhqfer, Lud-
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UTBIUTDRB ON CHURCH HISTORY 8«1
wig^ A. in den Evangdicn Homflim 6ic«on det Giofscn. (Festgdbe XJoDpf «
Icr [supn p. 887]. 66'4»).—na%tJ0ma. Tk. L., A\ Wetenschapadoe. M7
pp. Utrecht, van Drutoi, 1917. — Harnaek^ Ado(f van. Die Hohepunkte in
AuguBtinsKonleiiionen. (Au8derEriedcna-undKrie8Mtfbeit[fluprap.8Mf*],
67-M). — Hei^en, Johannes, Die Begrilndung der Erkenntnis niu^ dem
beiligm Augurtinus. (BGPhM 19, %). zii, 118 p. Mttntter L W., AjMdien-
dxxB, 1910. M. 4, 80; Die unmittdbare Gotteserkenntnis nach dem U.
Augustinus. 00 pp. Paderbom, Schowiingh, 1919. M. 4, 50. — HUner-
mann, Frtedrtch, Die Buaddire des heil. Augustinus. (FLDG 1% 1). zii,
157 pp. Paderbom, Schoeningh, 1914. M. 4. — JUlioher, Adolf, Augua*
tinuv und die Topik der Aretalogie OBermes 54, 1919, 94-108). — KanUn,
H, T,, Een Commentaar op Augustiniu de civitate deL [H. Schda 1911]
(NThT 8, 1914, 04-74). — Kratmr, Die Frage nach dem Sedendualismiu bei
Augustinus (AGPh 81, 1915, 810-880, 809-^95). — Lindau, Hans, Augu*
stin und das Daemoniache (ZK6 80, 1910, 99-106). — Mager, Alois, I^
Staatsldire des Augustinus. 15 p. Mttnchen, Lentner, 1980. — Noerrs^
gard, /., Augustins religiose Gennembrud [Conversion]. (Diss.) 848
pp. kopenhagen, Pio, 1980. — OffergeH, Franz, Die Staatslehre des heil.
A. nach seinen sJimtlichen Werken. viii, 80 i^. Bonn, Hanstein, 1914. M.
1, 50. — OM, Augustins Lehie ttber die Tugenden der Heiden (NkZ 85, 1914,
418-449). — Peters, J., Die She nach d^ Lehre des heil. A. (VRS6 88).
viii, 77 pp. Paderbom, Schoeningh, 1918. M. 8, 00. — Posehmann, Bern^
hard. Hat A. die Privatbusse eingeflihrt? 84 pp. Braunsberg, Bender, 1980.
M. 8, 90.— Rolf es, E., Hat Augustm Plato nichtgelesen? (DTh5, 1918, 17-
89). — Rating, W. , Untersuchungen Uber Augustins Quaestiones und Locu-
tionesinHeptateuchum. (FLDG 18, 8. 4). z, 890 pp. Paderbom, Schdnini^
1910. M. 15. — Troeltsch, Ernst, Augustin, die christliche Antike und
das Mittelalter. (Historische Bibliothdc 80). zii, 178 pp. Miinchen, Olden-
bourg, 1915. M. 11. Cassianub. Schwartz, Eduard, Konzilstudien. 1.
Cassian und Nestorius. (SchrGesStr 80, 1-17). Strassburg, Trttbner, 1914»
M. 8, 00. — Wrzd, L., Die Psychoiogie des Johannes Cassianus. (DTh 5.
1918, 181-^18, 485-i50). Chbtbobtobcub. Naegle, August, Zeit und Ver-
anlassung des Ahfassung des Chrysost-Dialogs de saoerdotio. (HJ6 87, 1910,
1-48). — Sckiewietz, Stephan, Die Eschatologie des heiligen Chrysost. und
ihr Yerhtfltnis zu der origenistischen (Kath 94, 1, 1914, 871-881, 870-879,
480-448). — Stiglmayr, Josef, Die historische Grundlage der Schrift des
heiligen Chrysost. ttber das Priestertum (ZkTh 41, 1917, 413-449). Clau-
DIANT7B Mamebtub. Zimmemuinn, F., Des CI. M. Schrift De statu animae
libri tres (DTh 1, 1914, 888-808, 470^05). Clbmsnb of ALEXAi!n>BiA
EiU. H,, Die Stdlung des Clemens v. Alex, zur griechischen Bildung (ZPhKr
104, 1017, 88-i59). Commodianttb. Martin, Jo^e/, Conmiodianea. Tezt-
kritische BeitrSge zur Ueberlieferung, Verstechnik und Sprache der Gedichte
Commodians. (SAW 181,0). 118 p. Wien, Hoelder, 1917; Spurenein^ alten
Weihefwmel bei Commodian. (ZNW 10, 1915, 881-888). — Vroom, H. B.,
De Commodiani metro et syntazi annotationes. (Diss.) Utrecht. 1917.
Ctpbian. Dessau, Hermann, Pontius, der Biograph Cyprians (Hermes
51, 1910, 05-08). — Kndler, Karl Alois, Der heilige Cyprian und das Kenn-
zeichen d^ Kirche (115. Ergitnzimgaheft zu den StML). iv, 78 pp. Freiburg,
Herder, 1914, M. 1, 80; [vide infra Pesch, Nestorius]; Sacramentum Uni-
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St2 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEVIBW
Utis. Ztt Cyivians Schrift an Donatas (ZkTh 40» 1016» 67^-700). — Men^
§is, Karl, Em donatistucfaet Catpm <yprianiichiy Briefe. (Dim.) 76 pp.
FKibuiK, Caritasdruckerti 1916. [ep. ZNW 16, 1014, «74-£79]. — ReiU
ZBtiiitin, Richard, Em donatistitches Corpus cyprianiMsher Sdmften.
(N6W 1914» 85-M). — Cp. Fseudo-Cyprian. Ctbqi or AiMKAmxA.
TutMUawicM, StaviislavM, Der heil. Petnis in den Schriften Cyrills tod Akz-
andiien (ZkTh 4S, 1919, 545-650). DuMnrBtUB Arbqpaoita. MiUler, H.
P., Dionysiofl, Proklos, FlotinoB. (BGFhM 20, 8. 4). viii. 111 pp. Mttnstcr
i. W., AflchendorflP, 1918. M. 5. — Batten, Ferdtnand,Faeadi>l>.dtAn-
api«iet (De Bdaard 1919, 221-M8). — Weertn, H., Die Gottedebfe dcs
aogenannten Dionys. Areop. (ThGl 6, 1914, 819-881). Epifhaniub of
Sauoiib. Gf 0««mann, Hugo, JUdiach-aramaeiflches bei Epiphanius (ZNW
16, 1915, 198-197). — Holl, Karl, Die Schriften des Epiphanius g^en die
Bilderverdirung. (SAB 1916, zzxv, 88&-868). Berlin, Beimer, 1916. Bf. 2.
— Wilpert, Josef, Drei unbekannte bilderfdndliche Schriften des £^-
phanius. (HJG 88, 1917, 5S9n6S6). Eububiub of Cabbabka. Doergem,
Heinrieh, Eusebius von Caesarea als Dantdler der phoenisischen Beligion.
(FLD6 IS, 5). xi, 108 pp. Paderbora, Schoeningh, 1915. M. 8, 60. —
Zahn, Theodor, Eusebius von Casarea ein geborener Sklave (NkZ 29, 1918,
59-82). FnoiiciTB Matsbnus. QrM, F., De syntaxi Firmiciana. (Diss.)
viii, 66 pp. Breslau, Favorke, 1918. — Morin, Oermain, Ein Bweites
christliches Werk des Firmicus Ikiatemus: "Die Consultationes Zaochaei et
ApoUonii." (HJG 87, 1916, 22^-266). — Reatz, i4ii^ti«<,Dastheologiache
System der Consultationes Zacchaei et ApoUonii mit BerUcksichtiguBg ihrer
angeblichen Besiehung su Firmicus Bfatemus. (FrThSt 25). viii, 158 pp.
Freiburg, Herder, 1920. M. 12 (cp. Kath. 98, 2, 1918, 800-^14). Ghlabiub
OP Cabbarka. Olas, Anton, Die Kirchengeschichte des GeUsios von Kai-
sareia die Voriage fttr die beiden letsten BUcher der Kirchengesdiiehte Bufins.
(Byzantinisches Archiv 6). vi, 90 pp. Leipzig, Teubner, 1914. M. 4, 80.
HiEBONTMiTB. KuMt, Cotl, De S. Hieronymi studiis Ciceronianis. (Disserta-
tiones philologicae Vindobonenses 12, 109-210). Ill pp. Wien und Ldpzig,
Deuticke, 1918. — Lammert, F, Die Angaben des Kirchenvaters Hieronymus
Uber vulgi&ies Latein (Philologus 76, 1019, 895-418). — Wutz, Franz, Ono-
mastica Sacra. Untersuchungen sum Liber interpretationis nominum he-
braicorum des hi. Hieronymus. 2 Vols. (TU41, 1.2). zzzii, 1200 pp. Leipzig,
Hinrichs, 1915. M. 40.* Hifpolttub. Baumttark, Anton, Hippolytos
und die ausserkanonische Evangelienquelle des ligyptischen GalilSa-Testa-
menU (ZNW 15, 1014, 882-385). — Preyeing, Konrad Grt^, Der Leser-
kreis der Philosophumena H.s (ZkTh 88, 1914, 421Hb45); Hippolyts Aus-
scheiden aus der Kirche (ebd. 42, 1018, 177-186). Ibbnaeub. Hoh,
Johannes, Die Lehre des hi. L-enaeus Mher das Neue Testament. (NA 7, 4.
5). ziii, 206 pp. MUnstw i. W., Aschendorff, 1919. M. 11, 20. — LUdtke,
W., Bemerkungen zu Irenaeus (ZNW 15, 1914, 26&-278). Isidobb of P»-
lubtom. Bayer, Leo, Isidors von P. klassische Bildung. (FLD6 18, 2).
zi,102p. Paderbora, Schdningh, 1915. M.4,20. Jovinianub. Bakd^H.J.
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AaxjLANim. Stiglmayr, Joeef, Der Job-kommentar von Moate Cassino
* HiLABiUB, see bdow (after Vinoentios of Lerinum).
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(ZkTh 48, 1010, MH»8). LACTAiimiB. Koeh, Hufo, Zim ttfamehoie
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L. (Philoiogiis 76, 1000, ftSS^^tSS). — Stangl, TAoma^ JLacUntuma (BUf
70, 1015, 884Ht5S» 441-471). Luciak or Aktidgh. Looft, FrtBdrick,
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historische Beitrilge. 8. Zu MinuciuB Felix (Hermes 50, 1015, 450-464). —
Buizer, C, Quid Minucius Felix ooiucribeiido dialogo Octavio nbi pfopo>
•uerit. 188 pp. Anuterdam, Kniyt, 1015. — PlooijtD,^ Minucius Felix
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giMihe Kleiiiigkeiteii. 4. Zu Minudus Fdix (Hermes 51, 1016, 600-628).
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(115. EhigltaiBungsheft der StML). iv, 72 pp. IMburg, Herder, 1014. M.
1, 80 [vide supra Knellcr, Cyprian]. Novatian. Koeh, Hugo, Zum na>
vatianisdien Scbiifttum (ZKG 88, 1000, 86-05). daGmraB. Baekrena, W.
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« Telle. (TU4e,8.4). iii,148; v, 184 pp. Leipdg, Hinrichs, 1018. 1010. M.
18,80; Bf. \%. — Holl,KafU Die Zeitfolge des ersten <»igenistischen
Streits. (SAB 1016, ix, £86HUS5). Berlin, Reimer, 1016. M. ft. — JUlieher,
Adolf, Bemerkungen su der Abhandlung des Herm HoU: Die Zeitfolge u. s.
w. (SAB 1. e. ^6-S75). — RietM, 0., De Origenis prologis in Ftalterium
quaestiones selectae (Diss.) 47 pp. Jena, Pohle, 1014. — Wagner, AemiUanp
DieErklilrungdesllO. Psalms durch Origenes. 4 Fh>gramme des Benedikti-
nergymnasiums Seitenstetten, 1016-1010. PAUumm of Milan. (TrOto-
madier, Qeorg, Die Lebensbeschreibung des Ambrosius von Mailand von
semen Sdoretllr Paulinus (Studien Hauck [vide supra p. 288], 77-84). Pau-
imuB OF NoLA. Kratu, L. Die poetische Spracfae des Paulinus Nolanus.
(Diss.) Wttrzburg. 08 pp. Augsburg, Ffeiffer, 1018. Pbtbub Chbtbolooub.
Bdhmer, Ootifried, Petrus Chrysologus, Ersbischof von Ravenna, als
P^ediger. (BGThPPr 1). viii, 120 pp. Paderbom, Sdli()ningh, 1010. M. 7,
80. — Peters, Franz Joseph, Petrus Chrysologus als Homilet. xii, 168 pp.
KOln, Bachem, 1018. M. 4. Pboclub of Combtamunople. Bauer,
Franz Xaver, Proklos von K. (VKBM 4, 8). xii, 148 pp. Mttnchen, Lent-
ner, 1010. M. 5,50. — Schwartz, Eduard,Kon!Blatadkai, 2. XJeber echte
und unechte Schriften des Bischofs Proklos von K. (SchrGesStr 20, 1&-58).
Strassburg, Trttbner, 1014. M. 2. Pbsudo-Ctpbian. De Bruyne, Dona-
tien, XJn traits gnostique sur les trois rto>mpenses (ZNW 15, 1014, 280-284).
— Ernst, Johann, Antikritische Glossen zum Liber de rebaptismate
(ZkTh 41, 1017, 164-175); Die Zeit der Abfassung des Uber de rebaptismate
in der Zeit Cyprians (ebd. 41, 1017, 450-471). — Heer, Michael, Pseudo-
Cyprian vom Lohn der Frommen und das Evangelium Justins (RQ 28, 1014,
07-186). — Rausehen, Gerhard, Die p8.-cyprian]sche Schrift de rebaptis-
mate (ZkTh 41, 1017, 82^110). — Reitzenstein, Richard, Eine frUhcfarist-
liche Scbrift von den drderld Frilchten des christlichen Lebens (ZNW 15,
1014, 60-00). — Seeberg, Erich, Eine neu aufgefundene lateinische Predigt
aus dem 8. Jahrhundert (NkZ 25, 1014, 260-870, 472-^544). Pbeudoclb-
MXMTiHA. Boll, Franz, Das EingangsstUck der Pseudoklementinen (ZNW
17, 1016, 180-148). — Bousset, Wilhelm, Die Geschichte eines T/Tieder*
Digitized by VjOOQIC
824 HABYABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
(NOW 1016, 4eiM51). — HeiniMB. WernBt. Der
and Miiie griechiKhm Qudkn. (TU 40^ ft). vi» 144 pp.
Leipsig» Hinrichi, 1914. M. 5. Q0<M>yuun>Bim of Cabihaob. Frmnsss^
Desiderius, O. F. M., Die Werke des hdl. QuodmltdeiM, Bkdiofi von
KarthagD. (VKSM 4, 9). iv, 90 pp. MUndiai, Lentaer, 19M. M. 5,60.
SmavLnm. Mayr^ ThMdott Studiea lu dem Paschale carmen det diristUchcn
Dichtcfs SeduliuB. (Dim.) Mttncheii. 96 pp. AugBbtug, FTetffer, 1916.
Sbvxbiak of Gabala. Durks, Ouilelmus^ De Severiano Gabalitano.
(DisB.) 84 pp. Kid, Schmidt und Glauiug, 1917. — Zellingett Johannes^
Die GenensliomilieQ des Bischofo Severian von, Gabala» (AA 7» 1). yU 188
pp. Mttnster L W., Aschendorff, 1916, M. 8, 40. Stnbuto of CTBnn.
Ludwig^ A., Die Schrift irtpl bnnrwiS^ des Synesios von Eoo-ene (ThGl 6,
1915, 547-558). — SHgifnayr, Jotrf, Synesius von Cyrene, MetropoUt der
Pentapolis (ZkTh 88, 1914, 509^568). Tbrtullian. AkBtman, Malte,
Ueber die Echthdt der letsteren Hiilfte von Tcrtullians Adversus ludaeos.
vi, 116 pp. Lund, lindstroem, 1918. — Euer^ Oerhard^ Die angdUiche
Beise Tertullians nach Griechenland (Kath. 94, ft, 1914, 858-861). — Bar-
naek, Adolf von, Tcrtullians Bibliothek christlicher Schriften. (SAB 1914,
z, 801-884). Beriin, Beimer, 1914. M. 1. — Roll, Karl, Ueber Zdt und
Heimat des pseudotertullianischen Gedichts adv. Mardonem. (SAB 1918,
zzvii, 514-n559). Beriin, Beimer, 1918. M.ft.— Kroymann, E., Das Tertul-
lian-FWigment des cod. Paris. 13047» die sogenannten Schedae Scioppianae
und die XJeberlieferung des verlorenen Fuldensis (BhM 69, 1915, 85C^-867).
— Ldfstedt, Einar. Tertullians Apdogeticum teztkritisch untcfsucht
(Lunds Universitet Anskrift. N. F. Afd. 1, Band 2, Nr. 6). viii, 128 pp.
Lund 1915; Leipsig, Harrassowits. kr. 2,75. Dasu: Kritische Bemerkungen
su T. 8 Apdogeticum. (Aus: Festskrift utgiven af Lunds Univemitet vid
dess TvAhundrafemtio&rsjubileum 1918). 119 pp. Lund 1918. Leipsig,
Harrassowitz. kr. 8, 75. — Rautehen, Oerhard, Prof. Heinrich SchrOn
und meine Ausgabe von Tertullians Apologeticum. 186 pp. Bonn, Hanstein,
1914. M. 2. — Sehrdrs, Eeinrieh, Zur Teztgeschichte und EridHrung
von Tertullians Apdogeticum. (TU 40, 4). vi, 125 pp. Leipsig, Hinrichs,
1914. M. 4, 50. — Thdrnell, Oosia, Kritiska Studier till Tertullianus
Apdogeticum, Upeala 1917; Studia Tertullianea, Upsala 1918. — Wohleb,
Leo, TertuUians Apdogeticum (BphW 1916, 589. 603. 687. 648. 1587. 1568.
1608. 1685). ViNCKNTnTB of Lkbinum. CMnu, £., De H. V. van Lerins
en zijn Commonitoria (ThSt 46, 1914, 1-87). HiiiABnxB. Feder, A. L,
Epilegomena zu Hilarius, WSt 41 (1920), 51-60; 167-181.
Ambbosiaster. The importance of the Ambrosiiister m
the history of ex^esis justifies the detailed discussion which
Mundle devotes to his commentary on the Pauline epistles.
As a result it appears that Ambrosiaster did not do full justice
to the peculiar formulation of Paul's ideas. He was too sober
and rationalistic to do so, and very little genuine religious feel-
ing is to be discovered in him; but the fact that he is unaffected
by the all^orical method of the Alexandrians, the comparative
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LrrEBATUBB ON CSDBCH HISTOBY SSff
absence of bias in his exegesis, and its acuteness, give him a
right to an honorable place in the history of interpretation.
On the question who the author was, Mundle also is unable to
say anything certain. He does not accept any of the hypotheses
thus far advanced, including Morin's last, which identifies him
with Evagrius of Antioch, translator of the Vita Antonii. —
Amhrobiub. Friedriek gives a painstaking account of the
numerous utterances of Ambrose about the Virgin Mary, in
connection with that Fathers's general attitude to the idea of
flight from the world and of virginity. The auth(Hr*s Catholic
standpoint exempts him from the necessity of a critical treat-
ment. — Ammoniub. Zahn believes himself warranted in
claiming, among the numerous Ammoniuses, as the only pos-
sible author of the Scholia to the Gospel of John and to the
Acts, and the other fragments which with more or less confi-
dence are attributed to an Ammonius, one of the four so-called
'Tall Brothers' (ol fiaKpol)^ who played a considerable part in
Egypt about 400 in the history of the Qrigenistic controversy.
In his ex^esis also Ammonius is true to his decisive rejection
of the crude notions of the anthropomorphists. — Apolo-
GIBTS. Andres sets forth the angelology and demonology of
the Greek Apologists, followed by a presentation of contempo-
rary Greek and Roman demonology, and inquires into the
mutual relations of the Hellenic and Christian views. He em-
phasizes the endeavour of the Apologists, in spite of their
unmistakable borrowings from the Greeks, to set up an inde-
pendent doctrine of spirits over against heathen beliefs. The
work is trustworthy, and based upon comprehensive material.
An exhaustive bibliography, enumerating something like two
hundred books and articles, is appended. — ffaa^e comes out
very positively for the tradition, attested by Eusebius but re-
jected by most modem investigators, that Aristide^ presented
his apology to the emperor Ebdrian, not to Antoninus Pius.
The present reviewer is inclined to agree with him. — In con-
nection with the well known story Ui Eusebius Hist. Ecd. v.
13 about a conversation between the Apologiiert; Rhodon and
the Marcionite Apelles, Harnack contrasts the two theolo-
gians in a brilliant characterization. — The doubts which
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8£0 HABYABD CTB0L06ICAL REVIEW
have been oopasioaally expressed about the genuineiiess ol
Justin's Dialogue with Trypho have been materially strength-
ened by Preuschen*3 th<m>ufi^ investigation. His opinion is
that, if the Dialogue be not whoUy spurious and composed later
than Irenaeus and Tertullian with the use of their writings^ it
must at least have been inteipolated in the third coitury; the
Dialogue cannot have attained its present form earli^ than
249 A.D. Whether this contention will stand the test of re*
examination remains to be seen. Unfortunately the autiior,
who died May 25» 1920, was not able to bring his study to en-
tire completion. — WaibeVs painstaking di3sertation gives a
good injsight into the philosophical thinking of the Apologists,
but does not bring out anything new. — Abterius of Amabea.
Bretz re-examines and carries farther the works of Max Schmid
and Michael Bauer which appeared in 1911. Contrary to
Bauer he regards the Encomium on St. Basil as not genuine;
but believes himself to have demonstrated the genuineness of
the three discourses attested by PhotiuB (on Stephen, Concern-
ing Penitence, and the Fast-day Sermon). In a concluding
section he treats of Asterius's relation to Greek rhetoric and on
the features of the diatribe recognizable in his diction and style.
Athanabiub. Against Loofs and Stttlcken, who would date
the diacourses against the Arians as early as about SS8, Steg-
mann, relying upon external testimonies and internal criteria,
adheres to the traditional date of about 857. In a careful
examination Stegmann 'has again proved the spuriousness of
the fourth discourse against the Arians, of which scholars fa-
miliar with the subject have long been convinced. The present
reviewer doubts whether he is right in recognizing in this dis-
course a writing of Apollinaris of Laodicea. Stegmann has
done a useful service in editing the text critically upon the
basis of the entire manuscript tradition, though material devia-
tions from the text of the current editions do not result. —
WeigVs presentation of the Athanasian Christology, though
otherwise well done, suffers from the fact that the author em-
ploys as trustworthy sources such contested writings as the
fourth discourse against the Arians, the books against Apolli-
naris, and ^De incamatione Verbi.' — In a Berlin dissertation
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LTTERATDBE ON CHURCH HISTOSY 827
of 191S Tr. Kehrhahn endeavored to prove that in the treatise
on the inclination of the Logos attributed to the youthful
Athanasius» Eusebius's Theophania was used, which would
exclude the possibility of its being a work of the Alexandrian
Father. Woldendorp holds that this thesis is not established,
and attempts to prove that Athanasius is the author by a elab-
orate comparison of the theology of the 'De incamatione' with
that of his later writings. On the other hand H. Windisch in
the Museum, 1920, has corroborated Kehrhafan's observations
by the comparison of a whole series of new passages, so that
the question about the genuineness of the youthful production
has again become a burning one.
AuGXTBTiNB. Of works upon Augustine Troeltsch^s is by far
the most important. In it he endeavors to prove that the idea
that Augustine was the intellectual pioneer of the Middle Ages,
which has become current especially through modem works on
the history of doctrine, is erroneous. Augustine is rather to be
regarded as the consummator of Christianized antiquity. It is
needless to say that Trodtsch has no intention of denying or
TOiTiimiVjng tiie actual influence of Augustine's thinking on the
Middle Ages. In this, however, he sees, not a development of
genuine Augustinianism, but an entirely different spirit and
meaning, the explanation of which is to be found in the com-
pletely changed character of mediaeval culture in contrast to
the ancient world. Accordingly, in 'De Civitate Dei,' which
he makes the starting point of his discussion, he sees, not the
product of reflection on the philosophy of history by which
directives for the future are projected, but only the final out-
come of ancient Christian apologetic, the last great attempt to
justify the church against the old charge that it was responsible
ifor the dissolution of Roman society. The positive significance
of Augustine's attempt lies, according to Trodtsch, in the crea-
tion of the first great 'Kulturethik,' an ethic which, however,
is wholly oriented to andent conditions. For my part, I am
of the opinion that this thesis is one-sided, and in particular
that however fully we may recognize the apologetic intention
of 'De Civitate Dd,' the work has every right to be described
as a philosophy of history, and the first work that deserves that
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JM8 HABYABD THEOLOGICAL BEVIBW
haine. However that may be, Trodtsch has devdoped his
thesis in a mastarly way, in rqpud both to the devdopment of
Augustine as an ethical thinker and to the particular features
of his ethics* Trodtsch lays particular emphasis up<Hi the
erroneousness of the widely current notion that Augustine de-
fined his two Civitates empirically simply as State and Church.
For Augustine there are here only relations, not equations.
His subject throughout is Christian salvaticm and heathen cor-
ruption, nowhere State and Church as such. The Middle Ages
approached the latter far-reaching problem from its own pre-
suppositions, and in doing so was able to daim Augustine for
its theory of the relation of regnum and scuserdoHum. An Eng-
lish translation of Trodtsch's book is to be desired, in order
that the discussion he has started may have as wide a response
as possible. He himself gratefully acknowledges his obligation
to previous works of others, for instance to the brothers Carlyle
(History of Mediaeval Political Theory in the West), Mausbach
(Die Ethik des heiligen Augustinus), Schilling (Die Staats- und
Soziallehre des hi. Augustin), Scholz (Glaube und Unglaube
in der Wdtgeschichte), and others. A very good critical sum-
mary of Trodtsch's position is given by H. Lindau, ZKG 37
(1918), 406-482. His excellent remarks on the demonic should
not be overlooked. — OffergeWs discussions of the doctrine
of the state in Augustine are in the same general line with
Trodtsch's. He too gives warning against imputing to Augus-
tine a modem idea of the state, and like Trodtsch points out
that one of thie prindpal sources of erroneous interpretation is
the habit of translating civitas terrena^ which expresses a meta-
physical or religious-ethical conception, by the word 'state,'
thus making of it an empirical magnitude. He does not how-
ever question the fact that Augustine's teaching contains
materials for the construction of a theocratic legal system. —
Boehmer in a findy elaborated study shows that Augustine's
life-long repentance is one-sidedly judged when it is viewed ex-
dusivdy from the standpoint of the Confessions, f<n%etting
that the predominating note in it is praise to God who had so
gradously led him. — Draeseke with good reason doubts that
Augustine had read Plato in any other way than through a
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LrrERATUBB ON GETOBCH HISTORY 889
tranahttion* and refers the quotations from the Timaeus in De
Civitate Dei to Cicero's varsion of that dialogue. JRo2/tf«' argu-
ments to the contrary are not convincing. — Haitjeina*s
characterization of Augustine's idea of science is in effect as
follows: The theism of the Christian creed alone is capable
of ezplaming the w<»ld, and no development of science is
thinkable that Christianity is not capable of becoming master
of. In the Neoplatonic idealism Augustine found a great deal
of material which he could use upon his theistic basis. But
science, morals, and religion are for him one thing. He is there-
fore not the 'modem man' that he is often called. He still did
not see science as a unity in the light of universal divine grace.
The several sciences, as fruits of civilization, are, however,
gifts of the grace of God, and Christians should employ them
to the glorifying of God. Christian science as such is the same
with the Civitas Dei, and thus loses its independent worth.
In particulars, there are good remarks upon Augustine's con-
version, our conception of which should not be based exclusively
either upon the Confessions or on the Dialogues. Haitjema,
also, thinks that the thing of greatest moment in the conversion
was the transformation of Augustine's moral life. — Hessen sums
up the result of his investigation of Augustine's theory of the
grounds of knowledge in the following theses: 1. By the side of
the sphere of a priori intelligence (sapieniid) Augustine recog-
nized a realm of inferior knowledge (8cientid)y in which we are
able to arrive at knowledge by induction and abstraction.
2. The soH^alled cosmological proof for the existence of God is
not formally developed by Augustine, but is substantially pres-
ent in his thought. S. The specifically Augustinian proof of the
existence of God is not the argument from causality, but rests
upon a Platonic evaluation of the veritates and raiionea aetemae.
4. The true meaning of his theory of divine illumination lies
between the two extremes of the ontological and the Thomist
doctrine. — Hiinermann sees in Augustine an unexception-
able witness to the current Catholic doctrine of penance. This
view, as Adam has correctly observed, is erroneous; it over-
looks the decisive influence of Augustine's conception of the
saving power of the particular gracious will of God on his
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SSO HABYABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
estimate of the sacraments* and of penance in particular.
Ecclesiastical penance is for him not primarily what it was
for Tertullian and Gjrprian, an inducement to the utmost
possiUe reparation of the fault; and not exeommunicatio but
communio is for him the true way of life in a real peniten-
tial discipline. This led him to advocate and to introduce in
his diocese the form of penitence which was accomplished
within the communion of the church and in the presoice
of the minister alone. Adam thus regards Augustine as the
speculative founder of private penance in the Western Churdi.
Poschmann takes the opposite side, and Scheel (ThLZ 45»
19S0, 294 f .) gravely questions the thesis. At any rate it is
very energetically propounded. — Jillicher shows that the
Curma anecdote narrated by Augustine in his 'De cura pro
mortuis gerenda' rests on an actual occurrence, and is therefore
not a travel-tale to be relegated to the domain of Aretalogy.
— In the judgment of Professor Ammuhdsen, Noerregaard^s
work is the best investigation we possess of the history of
Augustine^s conversion. In the discussion started particularly
by Wilhehn Thimme (1910) about the value of the Confessions
as a source for this history, Noerregaard takes a tolerably am-
servative position: the philosophical writings from the time
when Augustine was living in Cassiciacum are more Christian
than Thimme allows, and in the Confessions themselves Au-
gustine's subsequent reflections are easily distinguished from
ius memory of the events. The author is master of the whole
German, English and French literature on the subject. Alfaric's
extensive work on Augustine's development, in which a some-
what different view is taken of the relative value of our
sources, appeared too late for Noerregaard to avail himsdf of
it, but he has treated independently and thoroughly Augustine's
relations to Manichaeanism and Neoplatonism. — Aalders^s
chief endeavor is to bring out clearly the continuity in Augus-
tine's intellectual life before, in, and after ius conversion. He
bases his presentation on the Confessions and the philosophical
Tractates: in the Confessions it is the catechumen and the
future that speak, in the Tractates the rhetor and the past.
[Bakhuizen van den Brink.]
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UTEBATDBE ON CHUBCH HISTOSY 881
Cassiak. The chief importance of Schwartz* » study lies in
the new proof it gives of the preservation of fragments of Nesto-
rius in the Massilian author* a more complete demonstration
than that of Loofs in his Nestoriana (1905). — Chbybobtom,
Naegle (see, in addition to the essay named above, the exten-
sive introducticm to his translation of *De sacerdotio' in B£V,
mipra p. 312) adopts the opinion most recently propounded by
Colombo in the Didaskaleion (1912) that the dialogue form of
the writing is purely a literary device, and supports this view
with noteworthy arguments. Stiglmayr^ on the contrary,
abides by the opinion that Chrysostom's own account of the
occasion of the composition (endeavor to escape the election to
the bishopric) has a historical foundation. He accordingly
dates the writing before 374, while Naegle with more probabil-
ity assigns it to the years of Chrysostom's presbyterate, be-
tween 386 and 390. — Commodian. Martin* 9 essay is de-
voted to showing that Dombart's text of Commodian's poems in
CSEL is in many places exposed to critidsm. In the f or^ront
stands the false estimate of the value of the two manuscripts
in Leiden and Paris re^ectively, which Dombart treated as
independent witnesses to the text, whereas in reality they are
both derived from the Codex Berolinensis 167 (formerly in the
Cheltenham Library). A fresh comparison of this manuscript
led Martin to discover many errors in earlier collations which
seriously impair the recension of the text. In the second of the
articles named above, Martin makes it probable that in the
composition of Instr. ii, 26 (lectaribiui) Commodian was influ-
enced by the ancient formula of consecration of which there
is an echo also in Const. Apost. viii. 22, 2. See further below
on Tertullian (Holl). — Ctpbian. In a Wtlrzburg manuscript
Reitzenstein has found a small collection of genuine and
spurious writings of Cyprian, of the major part of which account
is given below under Pseudo-Cyprian. Internal evidence makes
it certain that the collection comes from Donatist circles. The
four Epistles contained in the collections (Epp. 67. 6. 4. 10,
Hartel), besides other variations, exhibit a biblical text fre-
quently different from that represented in the printed editions
of the letters. Mengisy in an excellent dissertation, has care-
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882 HARVARD THB0L06ICAL REVIEW
fuDy edited the Epistles and discussed the text ol the^juotatums.
— Dessau would identify Pontius, the author of the life of
Cyprian, with a resident of Curubis who is proved by an in*
scription to have lived about the middle of the third coitury.
If this is true we should have documentary evidence that the
biographer was a contemporary of the bishop, which Reitzen-
stein (SHA 1913) had contested.
DiONTsnrs Areopagita. In the studies which Koch, Stigl-
mayr, and others devoted to the Areopagite his dependence
upon Proclus was proved. Miiller, accepting this demon-
stration, has investigated the indications that lead to the con-
clusion that the Areopagite was directly acquainted with Plo-
tinus also. He makes it probable that the Hierotheos, whom,
along with Paulus, Dionysius names as his teacher, was no
other than Plotinus himself. He discusses Dionysius' doctrine
of the good and beautiful, of Eros, of the origin of evfl, his
doctrine of God and the ways to the knowledge of God, and
finally of union with God. Copious extracts from the text both
of Plotinus and of the Areopagite present the evidence to the
eye of the reader. — S assents article offers nothing new to
those who are acquainted with the subject. — Oressmann
treats: 1. the formula of Elxai (Epiphanius, Haer. 19, 4, S);
2. the first formula of the Marcosians (Haer. S4, 20, 2 ff.); S.
the second formula of the Marcosians (ibid.) ; 4. the names of
the planets among the Pharisees (Haer. 16, 2 ff.). — Holl
draws the attention of scholars to the fragments of three writ-
ings of Epiphanius against the worship of images which are
transmitted in Nicephorus (about 815) ; namely, a fragment of
a pamphlet, one of a letter to the emperor Theodosius I, and one
of a testament of Epiphanius to his churches. The genuineness
of these pieces is established by Holl on convincing grounds.
Apropos of this luminous essay, Wilpert shows that in the
face of such^ opinions as are propounded by Epiphanius, reli-
gious monumental art in the East could make but slow progress.
See also below, p. 350 (Koch). — Eusebiub. Doergens has
re-examined the notices about the Phoenician religion in the
Praeparatio Evangelica, with unfavorable results. There is no
trace whatever of actual acquaintance with the subject on the
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LTTEBATUBE ON CHURCH HISTORY SS8
part of the bishop of Caesarea; borrowed material is exclu-
sively used. — Zahn brings weighty arguments to prove that
the words 6 rw na/u^IXoi; appended to the name of Eusebius
should be interpreted as 'the slave of Pamphilus/ Even as late
a writer as Photius seems to have understood them so. Zahn
would account for certain weaknesses in the ecclesiastical,
political, and theological attitude of the bishop by his humble
origin; and in this also has the support of the Byzantine author.
Fnaacus Maternus. In the twentieth- volume of Migne's
Patrologia^ under the title 'Consultationum Zacchaei Chris-
tiani et Apollonii philosophi libri tres/ is a dialogue in the
course of which the heathen philosopher's pride of knowledge
yields to the simple grandeur of the Christian confession.
Morin has no doubt that the writing is to be dated about the
middle of the fourth century, and, on the ground of numerous
parallels in language, attributes it to Firmicus Maternus, the
author of the 'Mathesis,' and of the Christian writing, 'De
errore profanarum religionum.' Reatz has tested this thesis
and does not regard the authorship of Maternus as established.
But he also confidently maintains that the writing originated
not long after the middle of the fourth century. The emphatic
rejection of Sabellianism and Photinianism, as well as the posi*
tive theology of the author, which bears throughout the stamp
of the pre-Augustinian theology, seems clearly to point to this
period. In regard to the importance of the writing, Reatz
agrees with Morin, who recognizes in it not only a luminous
presentation of the Christian faith and a model of apologetic
composure and tactical skill, but also a precious monument of
Christian Latinity in its early formative period. — Gelasius.
Gelasius, metropolitan of Caesarea, a nephew of Cyril of Alex-
andria, wrote a church history which, as las has proved, is
the source of the last two books of Rufinus's Chiu-ch History,
where he is beyond the limits of Eusebius. Here also Rufinus
was merely a translator.
HiERONTMUS. Kunst examines the Epistles of Jerome, par-
ticularly Ep. 60, *De consolatione Heliodori,' for traces of that
Father's reading in Cicero. The work is valuable. — The
name Onomastica Sacra is given to ancient Christian collec-
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884 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BBTIBW
tioDB of proper names from tlie Old and New Testaments, with
etymological interpretations, a species of literature whidi the
Alexandrians had taken over from Philo, a|id whidi Jerome had
made accessible to tlie Western Church also in a trustworthy
translation. Wutz has investigated the sources and system d
these collections with marvellous industry. Above all he has
reprinted the texts of these Qnomastica, a work which Lagarde
(1870, 9d ed. 1887) had already d(me for the Greek and Latin
texts, but which Wutz has now materially enlarged by the edition
of the Syriac, Armenian, Ethiopic, and Slavic collectkms. Ex-
haustive indexes are appended. That even in so carehiliy
elaborated a work not everything is achieved that might be
desired may be seen from the review by Erich Klostermann in
LZBl 66 (1015), 187, and 68 (1017), 407. But for what has been
accomplished the small circle of scholars who have an interest
in the matter will be unanimous in their gratitude. — Hip-
POLTTUB. JSaum^tarJ; shows that in EQppolytus'scommentaiy
on the Song of Solomon there are traces of the extracancmical
gospel used in the Ethiopic 'Testamentum domini nostri Jesu
Ghristi,' in which he would repognize the Gospel according to
the Egyptians (cf. his article in ZNW 14, lOlS, 282-247). -
In opposition to the assumption that EQppolytus was put out
of the Church when his enemy Callistus ascended the episcopal
throne. Prey sing tries to prove that he remained in the com-
munion of the Church for a time after the election of Callistus,
and allowed himself to be elected as rival bishop only after
Callistus had excommunicated him on the ground of ditheism.
The antagonism between the two was partly due to the social
separation of the adherents of EQppolytus, who according to
Preysing belonged to the upper classes of Roman society.
Ibenaeus. The merit of Hoh^s work on the teaching of Iie-
naeus concerning the New Testament lies chiefly in the com-
plete and conveniently arranged collection of the material
The author has, however, also contributed independent obser-
vations to the discussion both of the history of the canon and
of the history of doctrine. — Liidtke offers text-critical notes
on a sermon on the sons of Zebedee attributed to Irenaeus
which was published by Jordan in lOlS from the Ethiopic, to-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
UTER/LTUBE ON CHIIBCH HISTORY 835
gether with notices of Slavic and Ethiopic fragments, and finally
an allnsion to Irenaeus in Maximus Confessor. — Isidobb op
P&LusroH. The breadth and depth of Isidore's classical edu-*
cation has never before been investigated; consequently, in-
significant as the subject is in itself, Bayer* § industrious study
fills a vacant place. It appears that Isidore's culture had nar-
row limits; he nowhere betrays any independent philosophical
or historical interest. — Julian of Aeclanuu. In the third
volume of the Spicil^um Casinense, Amelli published in 1897
a commentary on Job which in the tradition is designated as
the work of the presbyter Philip, a disciple of Jerome. Vaccari
in 1915 attributed this commentary to Julian. Stiglmayr
has subjected this theory to a thorough ezaminaticm, and on the
ground of the formal and material differences which he has
established thinks that it must be rejected. — Lactantiitb.
In support of the attribution of the 'Mortes' to Lactantius,
Koch refers to Div. Inst. ii. 4, 16 and n. 4, 7, where obvious
points of contact with topics developed in the Mortes are
found. In his second note Koch cont^ds that the templum dei
in Inst. div. 5, 2, 2 is to be understood figuratively, and not to
be referred to the destruction of the church in Nicomedia, Feb.
28, 20S; so that the passage does not fix the date of the Institu-
tiones. — Stangl offers material contributions to the critidsm
of the text of all the writings of Lactantius. Notwithstanding
the recognized merits of Brandt's edition in the CSEL, numer-
oils improvements are possible and necessary. — Lucian ov
Antioch. Loofs proves that by the so-called ^Dedication
Formula' (ip rots tyKouflcHs) of the Synod of Antioch in 841
is meant the second Antiochian formula (Hahn § 154), and that
in this formula, taken together with Sozomen Hist. Ecd. iii. 5«
9, the confession of the martyr Lucian is to be recognized.
Mmucius Feux. The discussi<m of the literary character
of the Dialogue of Minudus Felix and the circumstances of its
composition shows no signs of coming to an end. While
Baehrem again takes sides for a date of composition earlier
than Tertullian, Buizer with great positiveness decides for the
reign of Severus Alexander (225-280). In his view Minudus
Felix does not bdong at all to the Apologists of the type ol
Digitized by VjOOQIC
S86 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEVIEW
Tertullian. His book is a literaiy effort by which Chiistiaiis
are to be confirmed in their faith, and heathen incited to ioSlow
the example of Caecilius and connect themselves with the
church. The model he has in mind is not so much Cicero's ^De
natura deorum' as Paul's speech on the Arec^agus. — Plooij
also puts Minudus Felix before Tertullian. His article is di-
rected against J. van Wageningen in ThT 96 (1912)» 217* On
the question whether Minucius Felix was a modernist he takes
the negative side. — Novatian. Koch adduces noteworthy
reasons for not regarding Novatian's authorship of 'De specta-
culis' and *De bono pudicitiae.' as securdy established. —
Orioen. The exegetical works of ecclesiastical writers have
hitherto contributed almost nothing to church history, because
nobody has taken the trouble to go through them systematically
in quest of significant historical notices. The recognition of
tins fact has led Harnack to make a b^^inning in this un-
touched field, and to work through the homilies and commen-
taries of Origen from the historical point of view. Hamack's
keen observation and his great gift for extracting rich gains
from seemingly unimportant matter are brilliantly evidenced
in this self-denying investigation. — The chronology of the
years 395-402 has been securely established by the studies of
Holl and Jiilicher, both of which exhibit complete mastoy of
the sources. The minor differences in their results are ne^igible.
The Catena codex Vaticanus 754 (cf . Karo-Lietzmann, p. 41)
contains sixteen prologues, five of which can be proved to
Origen. Of these Rietz gives a critical text with explanatcny
notes.
Petbub Chrysoloous. Peters and Bdhmer have simul-
taneously devoted two excellent pieces of work to the arch-
bishop Peter of Ravenna, whose pulpit eloquence gained him
the honorific name Chrysologus. Botii endeavor to give an ex-
haustive account of the contents of the sermons. BShmer has
in addition directed spedal attemtion to the stylistic side, and in
an extensive appendix has treated at length the technic of the
dose of sentences (the so-called cursus). — Pboclttb of Con-
STAOTTNOPi^. To this opponent of Nestorius, Bauety ynA, a
good knowledge of the sources, has devoted a monograph which
Digitized by VjOOQIC
UTEBATDBE ON CHDBCH HISTOBY SS7
may well be described as a valuable contribution to the knowl-*
edge of a period of church hisbHy which scientific research has
by no means exhausted. — SeAioarfa gives more than the title
of his tieatise indicates, namely an admirably written sketch
of the situation about the year 485, unquestioniJ[>ly the best
that we have on the subject, and in the reviewer's opinion a
littie gem of historical presentation. Cf. also the artide by
Schwartz noticed on p. 359. — Pssuix)-Ctpbian. From the
collection of Cyprianic writings noted above under Cyprian,
Reitzenstein has published a hitherto unknown writing,
which may with certainty be described as a sermon, although
the beginning is lost. The three parts preserved treat of the
three manner of fruits of the Christian life (Matt. 13^ 8 ff.).
The hundredfold gain (cenieHma) is assigned to the martyr,
the sixtyfold (sexagesima) to the ascetic {agonittes), the thirty-
fold (tricesima) to the ordinary Chpstian (itutua). Cyprian
cannot be the author. The plainly recognizable affinity be-
tween his writings and this sermon, Reitzenstein would explain
on the assumption of the priority of the preacher. That would
make the discovery at great importance, for a Latin sermon
from the age before Cyprian would be an event. Further in-
vestigation, however, in which Hamack (ThLZ 89, 1914, 220-
iiS)yDe BruyneyHeerySeeberg, Wohlenberg (ThBl 86,
1915, 05-~69), and oth^s have taken part, has apparentiy put
it beyond question that our preacher is dependent upon Cy-
prian. On the other hand it is not to be denied tiiat many of his
peculiarities, e.g. his Christology, have an archaic stamp.
Reitzenstein, and still more positivdy De Bruyne, contend
that the author was a Gnostic; while the other investigators
emphasize on the contrary his correct churchly position. The
resemblance between the biblical text employed by the preacher
and the quotations from the Gospeb in Justin has led Heer to
the bold surmise that, not indeed the sermon in its present form,
but its basis may be a Sunday sermon from the age of Justin.
The text of the sermon, however, gives no occasion to assume
that it is the revamping of an older composition. For the pres-
ent it is not possible to say where and when the sennon was de-
livered. Africa and ^pain are the most natival con jectures, and
Digitized by VjOOQIC
888 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BSVIEW
as to the time, the whole period between about 260 and 870 is
open. De Bruyne expresses himself the most definitdy: ^Rien
n'emptche qu'il y ait en qudque part en Afrique une petite
^lise dissidente avec une Bible dtiib£r6ment corrompue et des
dogmes manifestement gnostiques/ For the date he would not
go bqrond the end of the third century. Notwithstanding the
objections of his fdUow investigators, Reitsenstein continues to
hold that the writing (Mriginated either about the end of the
second century, or was composed not very long after Cyprian,
with the use of an older work (cf. his Vita Antonii, infra p. 869,
24 n. 1). — RauBchen takes the ground that the 'De rebaptis-
mate' originated in the fourth century, to which period its
peculiar doctrine of baptism, in particular, assigns it; while
Ernst sees in it a document from the time of the controvert
over heretical baptism in the middle of the third century*
PfiEUDO-CLxaiENTiNA. Attention has often been called to
similarities between the introductory chapter of the Clemen-
tine romance and Ludan's Nekyomanteia. Boll has now dis-
covered similar and stiU plainer resemblances to an astrdogical
writing by a certain Harpokraticm, a contanporary of Lucian
of Samosata. The three texts are, however, independent of one
another, and their resemblances are accounted for by the exist-
ence of a type of religious novel, evidently widely distributed,
which Harpdkration and the author of the Clementine romance
appropriated, while Lucian parodied it. — It is impossible to
give a survey in brief of the very complicated problems of
sources which Heintze^ carrying further the work of Waits
(TU 25, 4, 1904), endeavors to solve. In addition to the com-
mon source which Waitz recognises as underlying the Homiliefl
and the Recognitions, Heintze would assume another common
source, the Jewish disputations with Apion, which he dates
about 200. He is in all probability right in the opinion that the
principal source had its origin in the third century in Syria.
The evidence he adduces that the Beoognitions had also a
source used by Cicero deserves attention, as do also his remarks
on the connections between the Christian romance and the
Greek romance literature. On this point £ou«Mi'« work should
be compared, though its main purpose is an investigation of tbe
Digitized by VjOOQIC
UTEBATCEB ON CHURCH HISTOBY 889
much discussed Pladdas legend, which does not here further
concern us. On Heintze see the review by Hans Waitz»
LZBl 66 (1915), 1085-1028. — Quodvultdbub. Morin has
directed attention to bishop Quodvultdeus of Carthage (ca.
453) as a preacher in an article in Revue Benedictine, 1914,
and in his edition of recently discovered sermons ot Augustine
(see above p. 807 f .), attributing to him a number of pseudo-
Augustinian sermons. Franaes has re-examined these attri-
butions, and been able to confirm almost all of them. To his
presentation of the evidence he adds detailed proofs of the im-
portance of these sermons for biblical learning, the historyof
doctrine, and liturgies. — Severian of Gabala. The explora-
tion of the exegetical remains of Severian has hitherto been
greatly neglected. Durks^s first endeavor is to determine the
extent of these literary remains, which have come down to us
in part under other names, espedaUy Chrysostom's. In con-
clusion he gives a comprehensive survey of all Severian's homi-
lies, after separating the spurious from the genuine. Zellinger
has undertaken the detailed criticism with great circumspec-
tion. He first tests the tradition of the homilies on Genesis,
with the result that all of them, including the two which Savile
put among the Dubia, are to be ascribed to Severian, and then
proceeds to give a critical view of their contents. It becomes
manifest that Severian's commentary fills a gap in the exegesis
of the Hexaemeron, inasmuch as we discover in him an Antio-
chian of the strictest school, whose sources have in large part
been lost.
Tertuumn. The question of the importance of the lost
Codex Fuldensis for the textual tradition of the 'Apologeticum'
has provoked much discussion. In general it is agreed that its
value is very high, and that, although not free from errors, the
Fuldensis is throughout to be made the basis of a recension of
the text. Hie contrary opinion of Schrdrs^ that the Vulgata is
a revision by the author himself of a first draft represented by
the Fuldensis, has been almost universally controverted.
Nevertheless Tkdrnell, Wokleb, and Ldfstedt (the latter at
least in his second work) hold that the Vulgata deserves con-
sideration by the side of the Fuldensis; while Rausehen in his
Digitized by VjOOQIC
340 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Emeadationes has adopted the readings of the Fuldends in
much larger measure than he did in the second issue of his well
known edition of the Apologeticum (Bonn, 1912). On this
problem, besides the works named above, Esser's translation in
the Bibliothek der EjrchenviCter (see above p. SIS) should be
compared. Esser is here in full accord with Sauschen. It may
be added here that the Belgian scholar. Waltzing, has expressed
himself on the matter in his fitude sur le cod. Fuld^isis de
TApolog^tique de Tertullien (Li^ge-Paris 1914), and m<»e
recently in an edition of the Apologeticum (1920) has likewise
made large use of the Fuldensis. — Harnack collects all the
references in the works of Tertullian to Jewish and Christian
writings used by that author, from which it appears that the
number of those with which he was acquainted is very consider-
able, both in itself and in comparison with what was then ex-
tant. Unfortunately the wealth of Greek Christian learning
and of Greek Christian books which he had at his command
were after him as good as unknown in the Latin Church down
to the time of Hilary and Jerome. — In an article character-
iz&i by admirable method, Holl has proved conclusively that
the five poetical books against Mardon, erroneously attributed
to Tertullian, originated in Gaul in the last quarter of the fifth
century, or but little later. The dependence at the poet upon
Commodian which had been observed by earlier investigators
is confirmed by Holl. With Brewer he puts Commodian, how-
ever, in the fifth century, a thesis which I also regard as caaedt
(see my remarks in Schanz [above p. S14], p. S97). — Acker-
man has, in the opinion of the reviewer, finally settled a much
discussed problem, proving by a thorough philological investi-
gation that the second half of the book 'Adversus Judaeos* is
not genuine. That I replied at length in GGA 1905, SI ff. to
Hamack's contrary opinion escaped Ackerman's notice, but
his demonstration has not suffered from this oversight. He
might, however, have noted in addition that in chap. IS,
Daniel is quoted in the version of Theodoticm^ but in chap. 14
(»Adv. Marc. S, 7) from the Septuagint. With a notice of
this excellent work by a Swedish scholar the patristic part of
our survey may close.
Digitized by VjOOQIC
LITBRATUBE ON CHDBCH HISTOBY 341
4. Chubgh Lopb
a. The Creed
Harnaekf Adolf von^ Zur AhhamOung des Hr. HoU *'Zur Auslegung" u. f •
w. [vide Hdl]. (SAB !l910, vii. 11^-116). — HaueeleUer, Johannee,
TrinitariBcher Glaube und Christusbekemitiiis in der alien Kirche (BFTli 25,
4). 194 pp. Gttteraloh, Bertdsmann, 1020. M. 17, 50. — Holl, Karl, Zur
Aufllegimg des 2. Artikeb des sogenannten iqxMtolischen GMaubensbekennt-
nines. (SAB 1910, 1, 1-11). — Lietzmann, Hane, Die Urform dea apo-
stdtschen Glaubensbekenntnisses. (SAB 1919, zii, 269-274). — Peiiz,
Wilhelm M. , S. J., Das Glaubensbekenntnis der Apostel (StZ 94, 1918, 66^
566). — Thieme, Karl, Das apostolisdie Glaubensbebjnntnis. (Wiasen-
8chaftimdBildi]ngl29). 144 pp. Leipsig, Quelle und Meyer, 1914. M. 1, 25.
Our knowledge of the conditions under which the creed of
the ancient church was formed has been materially advanced
by a number of excellent works. Amongthese Hauasleiter^a
book is to be named in the first place, and it is the welcome
duty of the reviewer to direct the special attention of scholars
to it. The methodical fault of previous investigation, as Hauss-
leiter points out, was the ever recurring attempt to derive the
whole great body of baptismal symbols from one single primi*
tive formula. In fact two types must be distinguished. The
older type, which originally prevailed in Rome as well as else-
where, is characterized by* its division into two distinct parts:
a very brief trinitarian confession derived from the command to
baptize converts (Matt. 28, 19), and a longer confession of
faith having its source in the Kerygma about Christ, which was
taken as the basis of the second article. The younger type grew
out of the older by the introduction of the extended confession
of Christ into the trinitarian scheme. In this way the old
Roman Symbol and its derivative formulas, as well as the
Nicene-Constantinopolitan creed, the Textus Receptus of the
Apostles' Creed, etc., arose. The older type, however, did not
cease to maintain itself and to develop new forms. Its influence
is visible in the structure of the Athanasian Symbol, and in a
long series of Oriental baptismal confessions and private creeds.
Haussleiter finds the point of departure for his demonstration
in the detached position of the trinitarian formula and the con-
fession of Christ in certain formulas of the Liber Diumus, that
is, in the official book of the Papal chancellery, which, follow-
Digitized by VjOOQIC
842 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEVIEW
ing PeitM (see below p. SOS f •)> he dates considerably eari^ tJian
experts have hitherto done. The choice of this starting-point
may seem to be somewhat incautious, inasmuch as the ques-
tion about the Libar Diumus can by no means be regarded as
definitively settled; but in any event Haussleiter's other evi-
dence for the origin and wide distribution of the older type in
the earliest age of the church ia very noteworthy. Thus the
peculiarity of what seems to be the first union of the seiparate
parts in benaeus also appears in its true significance. Strik-
ingly novd is the theory, intimated by Peitz and carefully built
up by Haussleiter, that the fixed formulation of the old Roman
Sjrmbol came about in the course of the Monarchian contro-
versies under the Roman bishop Zephyrinus (199-217). AH
this naturally demands re-examination, a task which is made
easier by Haussleiter's lucid, methodical exposition.
In a study which has attracted much attention Hall endeav-
ors to find a key to the construction of the second article. He
sees in it an artistic structure. The two titles (i^ vUr aimv
ri» iJUjfPoy€Pfi and rdi^ Kbpunr 4am^) a^e followed by two clauses
corresponding respectively to the two titles. In support of this
view he makes connection with Luke 1, 85 and Phil. 2, 6ff., and
points to the M in both passages, which in the one introduces
the argument for the divine sonship, in the other that for
Christ's lordship (icvpcAnjs). Harnack supplements this obser-
vation by showing that it can be naturally applied to the other
articles and constructs the following scheme:
nurrcAfa) cIs (1) Gcii^ « (2) Ilar^a « (S) IlamMp&ropa
jcol els (4) xpwr^^l"" (5) tAf vWi' ain-cin /^v . , . «
jcol elf (7) wwiia \m (8) i,yla» \« (9) A^if i,nafnw0
He tries to bring these members into relation with one another
not only horizontally but vertically. This may all seem to be
a kind of play, but the observations which underlie it have wide
scope and are perhaps not without weight. For the evidence of
this Hamack's article itself must be consulted. The lack of
symmetry in the bifurcation of article nine is obvious at first
Digitized by VjOOQIC
UTEBATUBE ON CHURCH HISTORY 348
sight. Lietumann somewhat relieves this difficulty by point-
ing out that the creed which is preserved as a part of the
Egyptian liturgy in the papyrus from Dftr-Balyaseh (see Puniet
k in KB 26» 1909, S4, and Schermann, TIT S6, lb» 1910) has in
fact a nine-fold division, the A^co-is i;iapri&^ is lacking. —
? Thieme came too soon to make use in his r^sum^ of the works
I above described, but anyone who desires to inform himself-
t about the stage which the investigation had reached in 1914,
! and to follow the history of the Apostles' Creed down to the
present time under the guidance of an expert will learn much
I firom his well-considered and unprejudiced presentation.
I
b. Liiiurgtcal PrMmnt
I Bounet, Wilhelm, Sine jttdische Gebetssammlung im nebenten Buck der
apostdischen Konstitutionen. (N6W 1915, 4S5-489); Zur Dqirecatio
Gdasii. (N6W 1916» 185-168). — Ddlger, Franz Jaeph, Die Sonne
B der Gerechtigkeit iind der Schwane. (LF 2). zii» 150 pp. mit einer Tafd.
MUnster i. W., Aschendorff, 1018. M. 8; Sol Salutis. Gebet under Gesang
im christlichen Altertum. (LF 4. 5). xii, 842 pp. Ebd., 1920. M. 25. —
Dold, AlbaUt Ein vorhadrianiaches Gr^orianisches Palimpsest-Sakramen*
' tar in Gold-Uncialschrift. (Teste und Arbeiten 1, 5). viii, 79 pp. mit dnem
t Lichtdruck. Nebst Zugabe einer mibekannten Homilie tlber daa kanaaniiische
. Weib. Bemon, Kmistverlag der Erzabtei» 1919. M. 5. — Koeh, Hvgo^
Zur Agapenfrage (ZNW 16, 1915, 189-146). — Lietzmann, Ham, Die
^ liturgiachen Angaben des Plinius. (Studien fUr Hauck [vide supra p. 288],
84-88; of. also BhM 71, 1916, 281-282). — Moklberg, Kunibert, Ziele
J nnd Aufgaben der liturgiachen Fofschung. (LF 1). viii, 52 pp. Mtin-
Bter L W., Aschendorff, 1919. M. 4, 20; Das fiiinkische Sacramentarium
t Gelasianum in alamannischer Ueberliderung (LQ 1. 2). civ, 292 pp. mit swei
Tafeln. Ebd., 1918. M. 15. — Plum, N. M., Forsagelsen ved Daaben«
816 pp. Kopenbagen, Gad, 1920. — Bausehen, Oerhard, Florilegium patris-
ticum. vii. Monumenta eucharistica et liturgica vetustissima. Edit. 2, iv,
181 pp. Bonn, Hanstein, 1914. M. 8, 80. — Sohermann, Tkeodor, Die
I allgemeine Kirchenordnung, frlihchristiiche Liturgien und altkirchlicfae
Ueberiieferung. (StGSIA, 8. Ergiinzungsband). 8 Teile. viii, x, viii, und
750 pp. 1. Die allgemeine Kirchenordnung des xweiten Jahrhunderts. viii,
186 pp. 2. FrUhcfaristliche Liturgien. zii, 488 pp. 8. De kirchliche Ueberiie-
ferung. viii, 176 pp. Paderbom, Schdningh, 1914-1916. M. 6, 18 und 8, 40;
IVUhchristliche Vorbereitungsgebete zur Taufe (MUnchener Beitrftge zur
Papyrusforschung, hrsg. von Leopold Wenger 8). vi, 82 pp. Mtlnchen,
Beck, 1917. M. 1, 60.
Under this head we have in the first place to direct^attention
to a new undertaking which seems to be destined substantially
to widen and deepen our knowledge of the ancient liturgy of
Digitized by
Google
844 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
the Chiirdi« The Benedictine abb^s ol Beoron, Emaus-
Prague, St. Joseph-Coesfdd, Maria Laach, and Seckau, have
joined forces for the publication of lAiurgieffesekick&iche Qud-
len and lAturgiegewAichiliche Forschungen, the editing of
which has been committed to three well-known scholars. Pro-
fessors DOlger in Mttnster, Rttcker in Breslau, and Father Mohl-
berg of the abbey of Maria Laach. The two series are to con-
stitute an 'Archiv der liturgi^eschichtlichen Forschung/ and
by detailed investigations on the broadest basis are meant to
subserve a progressive definition of the lines ot development of
Christian worship and the texts connected with it. Minor
contributions are to be brought together in a Jahrbuch fiir
Ldturgieunssenschafty which is also to furnish critical accounts
of discoveries and new publications in the field of liturgical
science. In the first number of the *Forschungen/ Mohlherg
defines the aims and tasks of this science clearly and with
abundant bibliographical references.
The investigations are admirably inaugurated by the two
works of DOlger, whose name is widely known through his
writings on Exorcism, on Sphragis, and on Ichthys. In the
course of his studies he has come to recognize more and more
fuUy the immense importance of the religious conflict in the
fourth century which is expressed in the words. Solar religion
and Christianity. In this way he was brought to confront the
problem of orientation (facing eastward) both in the plan of
the basilica and in the attitude of prayer; and subsiidiary to
this, the westward position in the renunciation of the devil
('the black one') and the eastward position in the addiction to
Christ ('the Sun of Righteousness, Sun of Salvation'). It is
impossible in a brief notice like this to give any adequate notion
of the brilliant light, both from the general history of civiliza-
tion and from the history of religion, into which D5lger has
brought his problem. An extended critical review by a special-
ist would be most appropriate, and could count with certainty
upon the interest of a large circle of readers. Ddlger describes
the work whose title stands first above as a 'Studie zum Tauf-
gel5bnis,' and is particularly occupied with the symbolism of
the rites connected with baptism. With this he discusses also
Digitized by VjOOQIC
LFTEBATUBE ON CHUBCH HISTORY 845
the idea of a compact with the devil and of the oath of fidelity
{Mcrammtum) to Christ taken in baptism. On thjs point
DOlger is inclined to refer to the baptismal rites the allusions
to the ritual in Pliny's letter to Trajan, as Lietzmann also
does; but, unlike Lietzmann, he understands by the carman not
the baptismal symbol alone, but, in accordance with ancient
linguistic use (Livy x, 88), the whole oath of fidelity to Christ*
The eastward position in prayer gives him occasion for very
profitable remarks on important constituents of the liturgical
prayers, such for example as the Kyrie Eleison. The studies
ab^tdy published do not exhaust the subject. They are to be
completed on the archaeological side by a discussion of the
orientation of ancient basilicas, and on the side of the history
of religion and of the liturgy by studies of the vigil of Easter in
its relation to ancient pagan Pannychis.
The series of ^Quellen' is opened by Mohlberg with an ex-
cellent edition of the Prankish Sacramentarium Gelasianum
from Codex Sangallensis 348. The introduction exhibits the
history of the textual grouping of manuscripts of the Roman
sacramentaries, in particular the Prankish recension of the
Gelasianum. The original sacramentary of Codex 348 is dated
by him about 800. Corrections in the text and marginal notes
indicate that the manuscript is a transitional form between the
Gregorian Gelasianum and the reform of Alcuin. — It would be
a point of importance if Dold were right in his contention that
a palimpsest fragment from Mainz, which he has published,
contained a pre-Hadrianic sacramentary, for which he claims
an English origin. Against so early a date, Mohlberg, in ThR
18 (1919), 210-213 (cf. 828 f.), has raised emphatic and, as it
appears, well-grounded objection; but he does not dispute the
fact that the new text has an especial value as a remnant of
one of the finest and best Gregoriana of the Carolingian period.
It may be f lulher noted here that Lietzmann expects to publish
in the current year (1921) in IQ, Codex 164 (159) from Cam-
brai, that is to say, the principal witness to the Carolingian
Sacramentarium Gr^oriammi, from a photographic reproduc-
tion made during the war and turned over to the University of
Jena.
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348 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEYDBW
As the titles of the several parts given above show, the ex-
tensive work of Sekermann might with eqnal prc^riety have
been induded in the literature of eodesiastical law. It is
noticed here, however, because the parts which deal with the
history of the liturgy seem on the whole to be <rf the greater
importance. In the first part Schermann gives critical editions
oi the 'Apostolische Kirchenordnung' and of the so-called
'A^gyptische Kirchenordnung,' in which two documents he
would recognize the book of Church Order generally accqyted
at as early a time as the second century. Indeed he asserts, and
in the third part endeavors to prove, that this Church Order,
in the production and redaction at which Rome had the princi-
pal part, originated at the beginning of the second century, if
not even in the first. The relation long ago observed betweoi
the Apostolic Church Order and the Epistle of Barnabas he
explains by the fact that they had the same author, or perhaps
that the Church Order was in the hands of the author of the
Epistle (!). Furthermore, he regards the postulated general
Church Order as the middle section of a rapiJkxns iKKkqaioxmKli
or K^pvyfia ItcKhiinturTucbVf which had already been fixed in
writing at the beginning of the second century; a work which
served as a normative basis both for the early catechetical in-
struction of the church and for its theological literature. Be-
sides this middle section, it contained, as the first part, a series
of events from the life of Jesus connected with words of the
Lord, and, as its third part, that compendium of the Christian
faith which is called by ecclesiastical writers Kopi^v rijs iXrfidat
or rUrreo^j in Latin regtUafidei. That would certainly be a sur-
prisingly simple solution of the diflSiculties over which the
learned have repeatedly wearied themselves. Unfortunatdy
the thesis, in spite of all the industry expended upon it and the
author's comprehensive knowledge of the sources and of the
literature, rests upon a wholly unstable foundation; for the
existence, in writing, of such a tradition of the primitive church
as early as the age immediately following the Apostles, is in the
end only assumed, without any serious proof whatever. The
real value of Schermann's work lies in bringing together the
whole material, with constant reference to the critical con-
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UTERATUBE ON CHUBCH HISTOBY S47
troversy. This is especially true of the second part» which
treats in five sections of Church Organization, Baptism, Peni-
tence, the Eucharistic Liturgy, and the Ministry of the Word
of God. Excellent indexes increase the usefulness of the book,
which notwithstanding all objections which may be raised to
the principal thesis, will be found by the critical reader a wel«
come addition to his apparatus. — In lus smaller work Seher-
mann has reprinted the prayers, first published in the 'Neu-
testamentliche Studien' fUr Heinrid (Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1914),
from the Berlin papyrus 1S415; and has furnished them with
ample parallels from early Christian literature. He thinks that
they are to be regarded as prayers preparatory to baptism, and
in this he is perhaps right; but his attempt to assign them to
the second century is unsuccessful, for precisely those turns of
expression which are characteristic of them seem to point to a
later time.
Bousset believes himself to have proved that the whole col«
lection of prayers in the Apostolic Constitutions vii. SS-S8 are
borrowed from the synagogue, and present a Jewish collection
only slightly modified by Christian hands. In the eighth book,
also, he believes it demonstrable that Jewish prayers and formu-
las of prayer have been worked in. In the so-called ' Deprecatio
Papae Gelasii' in Cod. Paris. 1158 (cf. W. Meyer, NOW 1912,
87), he sees a collection of general intercessions and evening
and morning petitions such as the Constitutions prescribe for
the daily services, and inquires fiulher by what route these
prescriptions for prayer may have migrated into the West. —
Plum makes a careful investigation of the whole history of the
Abrenuntiatio. He is of the opinion that in the original con-
ception (Tertullian) the renunciation meant only a rejection of
idolatry, and accordingly belonged to baptism within the'
church; he observes, however^ also that already in Cyprian
another conception is present, namely the assumption of moral
obligation. [Professor Ammundaen.]
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S48 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
c Feoils and Fasti
Comen, Peter, Das OBteifcat (NJldA 89, 1017, 170-180). — Fieeher,
XttifwtV, Die kirchlicheii Quatembar (VKSM4, 3). zii, 278 pp. Miincheii,
LeQtner, 1014. M. 6, 20. — Holl, Karl, Der Uraprung des Epiphanicn-
festes. (SAB 1017, zzix, 40^^488). Berlin, Reimer, 1018. M. 2. — Koch,
Hugo, Paacha in der aelteaten Kirche (ZwTh 5$, 1014, 280-818). — Nils-
son, Martin P., Studien zur Vorgeschichte des Weihnachtsfestes (AR 10,
1017, 50-150).
Before proceeding to the review of the works named above,
attention may be directed to the comprehensive investigation
which Karl Schmidt, in one of the excu^uses to his edition of
the Epistula Apostolorum (see the article by Professor Lake
in the January nimiber of this Review, pp. 15-29) has devoted
to the Paschal controversies of the second century. The oc-
casion for this investigation was the fact that the Epistola is a
new witness to what is known as the Quartodedman Paschal
festival, because it was held on the 14th of Nisan in commemo-
ration of the death of Jesus. This testimony retains its im-
portance even if Schmidt's opinion that the Epistle originated
in circles of Quartodedman observance in Asia Minor should
not prevail. For it is definitely established by the Epistola that
the festival was kept in commemoration of the death of Jesus,
and a controversial issue which was perpetually renewed among
scholars seems therewith to be finally disposed of. Koch*s
discussion, so far as it has to do with this particular question,
is antiquated by this new evidence; but whut he has to say
about Easter and Pentecost in Tertullian retains its value. —
Corssen directs attention not so much to the Paschal contro-
versies as to the origin of the festival of the Roman Church,
the Easter festival, in contrast to the Paschal festival. He is
oi the opinion that the former was created by a deliberate
action of the church, probably in Rome, and very likely in the
sequel ci the n^iotiations between Anicetus and Polyeaip,
which brought to maturity the decision on the part of the Ro-
mans to signalize in an especial manner the first Sunday after
the Jewish Passover as a festival Sunday. He is struck by cer-
tain parallels between the Christian celebration and the Attis
festival, which had before this time grown into a popular f esti-
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LTTERATDRE ON CHURCH HISTORY 349
val, and in which the lamentation for the death of the god
changed into the rejoicing of the Hilaria on the twenty-fifth of
March. U Corssen means to infer from this that the festival
of the Roman Church was introduced to compete with a heathen
festival, he may not find it easy to adduce evidence, however
strongly the analogy of both Christmas and Epiphany may
seem to suggest it.
For Epiphany, Holly in a model investigation, has made it
at least highly probable that this festival was a Christian sub-
stitute for a festival kept in Egypt on the 6th of January in
honor of a god Aion, more particularly of his birth firom a virgin.
With this festival was connected a ceremonial drawing of
water from the Nile; and a further belief that the Nile water
changed into wine is attested. In this way an explanation would
be found of the fact that the church, following the lead of the
Basilidians, before the setting off of the Christmas festival, cele-
brated on the sixth of January, along with the birth of the Son
of God, the hallowing of the water by his baptism, and the mirac-
ulous transformation of the elements at the marriage in Cana.
In the Greek church the baptism of Jesus later completely
crowded out the other motives. In the West, Pope Liberius
(352) stiU kept Epiphany as the festival of the birth of Christ,
and at the same time of the marriage in Cana, and of the miracu-
lous feeding of the multitudes. The detachment of Christmas
as a festival of Jesus' birth signified at the same time opposi-
tion to taking the sixth of January as the commemoration of
his baptism. In its stead, the adoration of the Magi became
dominant. On Holl's article cf . O. Weinreich AR 19 (1918), 174-
190 and F. Boll, ibid., 190 f. — NiUsoUy in the first part of
his study gives a sketch of the development of the Roman festi-
val of the Kalends of January, and in the second part, in op-
position to the works of Tille and Bilfinger, discusses the ques-
tion whether Christmas customs were influenced on the one
side by the Roman New Year's customs, and on the other by
the nordic Yule festival.
Against Morin, who sees in the introduction of the four
Ember Days a substitute for the pagan /moe meni$y mnde-
miaU$, and iMiimfmae, Fischer would eq^bun their orjgpi
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850 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEYIEW
frcMn the ancient ChriBtian a»ijoq>tkm of fasting as a statio^ i.e.
as a means to omibat the Mecuhtm; an explanation whidi
seems to be favored by the great r61e which vigils play in the
Quatember liturgy. Fischer regards as trustworthy the notice
in the Libar Pontificalis that Pope Callistus introduced the
Ember days. The idea of festivals of thank^ving for the har-
vest was, he thinks, first connected with them after the time
of Leo the Great. Themajorpartof this useful work is devoted
to the liturgy of the Ember Days, to the l^gal character of these
days, and to their significance from religious and mwal, civil
and social, and mythological points of view.
d. Anhaeciogy and Art
Aekelii, Ham, Altchrisdiche Kumit (ZNW 16, 1915, 1-«S. 17, 1916, 81-
107). — Aehelii, Hanip Der Entwicldungsgaiig der altchristlidieQ Kuiist
47 pp. Leipsig, Qandle und Meyer, 1919. M. 2. — Harnaek, Adolf 9on,
Die adteste griechuche Kircheaiiischrift. (SAB 1915, zliii, 746-766). Berlin,
Rrimer, 1915. M. 1. — Kaufmann, Carl Maria, Handbuch der altduist-
lichen Epigraphik. zvi, 514 pp. mit 254 Abbildungen aowie 10 adiriftver-
gkicheiidai Tafdn. Freiburg, Herder, 1917. M. 18; geb. M. 20. — Ka^f'
mann, Carl Maria, Die heilige Stadt der Wiiste. Unaere Entdeckungoi,
Grabungen und Funde in der altchristlichen Menasstadt. iz, 218 pp. mit
190 Abbildungen. Kempten, EOsel, 1919. M. 15; geb. M. 18. — Koch,
Hugo, Die altchristlidbe Bilderfirage nach den literariscben Quellen.
(FRLANT, Neue Folge, 10). iv, 105 pp. 6(5ttingen, Vandenhoeck und Bup-
recht, 1917. M. 4, 80. — Lietzmann, Hans, Petrus und Paulus in Bodl
Liturgische und archaeologische Studien. xii, 189 pp. mit 6 FliEnen. B<Mm,
Kaicus und Weber, 1915. M. 6, 80. — Pfeiliehifter, Oeorg, Oxyrhyn-
chos. Seine Kirchen und KloBter auf Grand der Papyrusfunde. (Festgabe
KnOpfler [vide supra p. 287], 248-264). — Sehrijnen, Josef, De ontwik-
kding der boetetucht in het licht der oud-christelijke kunst (De Beiaaid 1916,
258-259; 1917, 201-210; [vide supra p. 9M]). — Schult9e, Viktor, GraBd-
riss der cfarisdichen Archaedogie. viii, 159 pp. mit Titelbild. MUndun,
Beck* 1919. M. 5. — Smii^ E. L., De Oud-Christelijke Monumcnten
van Spanje. Met 2 Eaarten en 11 afbeeldingen. (Diss. Leiden). 158 pp.
's Gravenhage, Nijho£F, 1916. fl. 4, U.—8iuhlfauth, Oeorg, Die *'aeita-
tenPartriits"Chri8tiundder Apostd. 26 pp. mit zwei Abbildungen. Berlin,
Huttenverlagy 1918. M. 1. 90. — Syhel, Ludwig von, AuferstAungshoff-
nung in der frtlhchristlichen Kunst? (ZNW 15, 1914, 254--267). — Sybel,
Ludwig von, IVUhchristliche Kunst. iv, 55 pp. mit Titelbild. Mtlncheo*
Beck, 1920. M. 4, 50. — Waal, Anion de, JKe jtlngsten Ausgrabungm in
der Basilika dea hL Sebastian su Bom (Kath. 95, 1, 1915, 895-411).
Kaufmann^ whp is most favorably known by his 'Hand-*
btich der Christlichen Archliologie/ and by the excavation of
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UTERATUBE ON CHURCH HISTOBY S51
the city of Menas conducted under his direction, has now given
us the first handbook of early Christian epigraphy worthy of
the name. The labor involved may be judged from the fact
that the nimiber of monumental inscriptions now known ex*
oeeds 4900. Of these Kauf mann has employed for his text
8000» and has reproduced 700. by cuts or in type facsimile. He
has not confined himself to the Roman and Occidental sources
which hitherto have been almost exclusively utilized, but has
drawn also upon inscriptions from regions of Greek speech and
from the Near East. After introductory paragraphs on the
conception and task ci such a work, the sources and literature,
the author treats of the external phenomena, the alphlabets,
language, and the dating of the inscriptions. This is followed
by: 1. Sepulchral inscriptions, selected texts illustrating secular
and social life, doctrinal texts, inscriptions bearing on the his-
tory of the church and hierarchy; 2. the graffitti; S. documen-
tary inscriptions; 4. inscriptions referring to the erection of
buildings. In special sections are treated the inscriptions of
Pope Damasus, and the later historical inscriptions (eulogies
of martyrs, titles of buildings from the Roman catacombs,
titles of basilicas). An appendix contains an ample apparatus of
tables (forms of the inscriptional characters for purposes of
comparison, the Julian calendar, chronological tables). Ex-
haustive indexes facilitate the, use of the well-arranged and
well-written book. With such an abundance of material, and
in a first attempt, all sorts of errors are inevitable. Searching
critical reviews (e.g. J. Wittig, ThRev 17, 1918, S89-S92; W.
Larfeld, Byzantinisch-neugriechische Jahrbttcher 1, 1920, 208 ff.;
R. HerzQg, HZ 122, 1920, SOl-804) have indeed convicted the
author of many sins of omission that might easily have been
avoided, and have even charged him with being lacking in the
neceissary accura<*y. These shortcomings should not cast into
the shade the good features of a handbook which in the opinion
of the reviewer is — until we have a better one — indiq>ensable.
Inasmuch as there are in English no comprehensive treatises
on Christian archaeology of any scientific value, Schnitzels
outline should be able to count on a favorable reception, and it
would be well deserved, for the little volume is both in f(»m
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S52 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
and contents simply admirable. What Schultze here offers is
the well-pondered result of forty years of scientific occapatioQ
with the subject; and scholars who are acquainted with the
field will not fail to observe that upon almost all important
points he has endeavored to carry research deeper or f atrher
afield. But the layman in the subject will also find his account
in it, since Schultze has had in mind especially the use of the
book by his student hearers. Great attention has also been
given to externals, especially in the references to the literature.
A translation into English would be well worth whiles — The
somewhat more advanced student will read von SyheVs ^Leit-
faden' also with profit. Few scholars have promoted investiga-
tion in tins field by independent work in a d^ree comparable
to von Sybel, and in this volume he writes, as in a survey from
some mountain peak, the history of the development of early
Christian art from its beginning under the Flavian emperors
down to Theodosius. The epochs of this history as he maps
them out are: the period before Hadrian, from the Antonines
to Valerian, from Gallienus to Constantine, from Constantine
to Theodosius. The treatment is very concise, and everywhere
shows the hand of the master who has his material in complete
command. The article in ZNW is devoted to the establishm^it
by detailed proof of a thesis for which von Sybel ccmtended in
his well-known work, *Die christliche Antike,' namely that
early Christian art, and especially the paintings in the cata-
combs, are not, as Victor Schultze and after him Hans Achelis
maintain, in^ired by the thought of a future resuirectioa of
the flesh, but are to be understood in the light of the idea of the
present blessedness of the dead in paradise.
In an investigation that is a model of method, Smit has
collected and turned to historical account the archaeological
material for Christianity in Spain. To the 426 inscriptions previ-
ously known he adds seven hitherto unpublished. Besides the
inscriptions, the sarcophagi, which range from the fourth
(third?) to the seventh century, are discussed. The inscrip-
tions are chiefly from the Visigothic period; twenty-two are of
the fourth century or earlier. Smit seeks the origin of Spanish
Christianity in Rome, though North Africa may have betm the
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LTTEBATUBE ON CHURCH HISTORY 858
intermediate station. In any case, Christianity had a very
independent development on Spanish soil. The general desig-
nation of Christians on the Spanish monuments is Famulus
Dei. Not as much as one per cent of the Christian inscriptions
are from soldiers, against six per cent among the non-Christian
inscriptions. The inscriptions yield valuable testimony in re-
gard to Christology, penance, and the like. The formulas
warning off violators of tombs, Smit derives from the primitive
belief in the resurrection of the iBesh. In the consciousness of
these Christians the material burial ad sanctos and the spiritual
eternal life with the saints in Paradise are still undistinguished.
Bakhuizen van den Brink, to whom the above notice is due,
describes the volume as a very valuable contribution to Chris-
tian archaeology.
Ia2!Nyf Achelis has brought to completion the series ot
articles which he began in 1911-1918. The leadiag ideas are
repeated in the admirable address delivered by him when he
entered upon his professorship of church history in Leipzig.
The prominent thing in it is the development of the cycle of
early Christian pictures, in which he gives more consideration
than archaeologists are in the habit of doing to points of view
taken from the history of the church. Thus, for example, he
brings a group of pictures in which the idea of the f oregiveness
of sins seems to be manifest (Grood Shepherd, Peter's denial)
into connection with the controversies in the Roman Church
about repentance. Here it may be questioned whether he has
not allowed himself to construe too freely (see also below, p. 854,
Schrijnen). Again, in making the epoch of Constantine, which
is so important in church history, a main division in the de-
velopment of Christian art also, and in consequence sharply
separating the period of the catacomb paintings from that of
the sarcophagi and mosaics, Achelis will hardly be followed by
the archaeologists. See the adverse criticism on this point by
G, Stuhlfauth, ThLZ 45 (1920), 248-860. — Since Ludwig von
Sybel defined early Christian art as andent art, archaeologists
have frequently repeated that what is Christian in this art Ues
-soldly in the subjects, not in the artistic technic or style -^
in the content, that is, not in the form. Jordan doubts the
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354 HABVARD THEOLOGICAL BEVIEW
correctness of this propositioiiy and contends that early Chris-
tian art, compared with the antique, contains new stylistie ele-
ments also.
In other respects also the theories of the ardiaedogists ae&a
to church historians to demand reconsideration. Above all,
when it is a question of dating or making use of the monuments
of Christian art, the historian notes that insufficient attention
is given to the literary sources. Thus, the rich discoveries of
decorative painting in the catacombs have obscured the fact
that the patristic writers ci the first c^ituries imanimously
testify that the Christians rejected art on principle. Koch
proves this by an examination of the witnesses from Tertullian
to Epiphanius (see above p. SS2, under Holl). He also reminds
us that Spanish (Council of Elvira), Africa^, or Oriental ddiver-
ances are not to be interpreted out of the way and disposed of
by a glance at the Roman catacombs. The Roman Churdi
seems to have been the least conservative of all, and more
ready than any other to adapt itself to new conditions and to
respond to the currents of the times. — Schrijnen, like Acfaelis
(see above), brings the picture of the Good Shepherd into
connection with the controversy over the stricter or laxer peni-
tential practice. The Good Shepherd brings the soul upon his
shoulders into the communion of the saints. Down to the time of
CaUistus, however (see below p. S65f ., under Esser, and Koch),
the saints were always the true believers who had kept un-
stained the garments of baptismal grace. The picture is there-
fore not to be referred exclusively to the other life, but also to
the church on earth. Consequently it signifies either a last ap-
peal to the mercy of Grod after death, or a protest against the
Montanistic contention that the church has no power to re-
move sin in a seccmd repentance. Sdirijnen hardly pays any
attention to the natural objection, supported by the dates as-
signed by the archaeologists to these paintings, that the oldest
frescos of the Grood Shepherd carry us back to the second osa-
tury, that is to a time antecedent to the controversies about
repentance. On the other side it is naturally not to be ques-
tioned that during these controversies the picture actually
served to express the hope of the lapti. The article contains
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LTTERATUBE ON CHURCH HISTOBY 355
many other mteresting combinations and may therefore be
oommended to the attention of archaeologists and church
historians. [Bakhuizen van den Brink.]
George La Piana has dealt at length in this review (January
1921, p. 5S~94) withZrt^fs mann'« valuable studies on the
tombs of the Apostles Peter and Paul, and has cited the rest of
the literature (p. 87). I have therefore only to refer here to
de WaaVs article. — In the course of excavations at Antioch
in Syria in 1910 a silver chalice was found with representations
of Christ and the Apostles, which is now in New York. Gus-
tavus A. Eisen asserted (1916) that the chalice dates from the
first century, and that it is to be assumed that it gives us por-
trait likenesses of the persons represented. Stuhlfauth re-
futes this rash assertion, and shows that the chalice is to be
assigned to the fifth century at the earliest. — In Volume 11 of
the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (1916) a . papyrus was published
which contains a list of trvpiiie^s, i.e. gatherings for worship,
which, like the Roman-Latin StationeSy were held annually at
fixed times (Saints Days) in certain churches, the bishop being
present. It is thus a kind of calendar, which is unfortunately
preserved for only about half a year. It was drawn up about
the year 5S5. Pfeilachifter makes use of it only to determine
the number of church buildings in Oxyrhynchus. The list for
the half-year shows 26 churches (possibly 28), so that a total
of 40 would not seem to be too high. This would indicate that
the needs of the church were well supplied, and that there was
an active religious life in the Egyptian cities. In the course of
his study Pf eilschif ter adduces from the papyri other material
referring to the churches and monasteries named in the list. —
Harnack examines from all sides the inscription (Le Bas et
Waddington 8, 1 No. 2558; S, 2 p. 582) of the year 818-819
found in Deir-Ali near Damascus, which once adorned a mt^a-
In a handsome publication intended for general readers
Kaufmann presoits the results of his excavations in the year
1905. He was fortunate enough at that time to bring to li^t
the famous, but till then wholly lost, sanctuary of St. Moias, in
the Lybian des^ south of Alexandria, an extensive monument
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S56 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEYIEW
of civilization in the fifth century. His scientific repeats on the
excavations from the years 1906-1908» and his great publica-
tion on the principal basilica (1910) » are well known to scholars.
The new popular presentation gives a survey of the whole, in
which the reader is skilfully and entertainingly made ac-
quainted with the ruins. An introduction on the legend of
Menas and the history of the sanctuary is prefixed. The volume
is adorned by an abundance of photographic views excellently
reproduced. (This notice follows a review by H. Lietzmann,
ThLZ 45, 1920, 160.) The volume is at present out of print;
the appearance of a new edition, which the publisher promises,
is not likely to be in the inmiediate future.
e. OrganuKxHon
Generai^ Ooeller, Emtl, Die Bischofswahl hei Origenes. (Efarengmbe fllr
Johann'Georg von Sachsen [vide supra p. 287], 60S-616). — Kodi^ Hugo,
Zur klerikalen Laufbahn im Altertum (ZNW 17, 1916, 78-79) ; Zur Gesduchte
des monarchischen Episkopats (ebd. 19, 1919/20, 81-85). — Metxner, E^ EMe
Ver£a8fliiiig der Kirche in den zwei ersten Jahrhunderten unter besonderer
Bertickaichtigung der Schriften Hamacks. vii, 248 pp. Danzig, Westpreus-
sischer Verlag, 1919. M. 10; geb. M. 12. — Moe, Oakar, Dei monarchiske
Episcopats Oprindelse [Origin]. 211 pp. Kristiania, Lutherstiftdsen, 1917.
CouNciLB. Acta ooncilionim oecumenicorum, iussu atque mandate Societatis
acientianim Argentoratensis edidit Eduardu8 Sehtoariz. Tomus HI: Con-
cilium universale Constantinopolitanum sub Justiniano habitum. Vol. H:
Johannis Maxentii libelli. CoUectio codicis Novariensis XXX. Collectio
codids Parisini 1682. Prodi tomus ad Armenios. Johannis papae II epistula
ad viros illustres. 6, xxxii, 210 pp. 4^ Straasburg, Triibner, 1914. M. 80. —
Neue AktenstUcke zum ephesinischen Konzil von 491, herausg^geben von
Eduard Schwartz. (AAMS0,8). 121pp. MUnchen, Franz, 1920. M.20. —
Flemming, Johannes, Akten der ephesinischen Synode von 449. Syriscfa
mit Georg Hoffmanns deutscher Uebersetzung und seinen Anmerkungen
herausgeben. (AGW 15, 1). vii, 188 pp. Berlin, Weidmann, 1917. M. 18. —
Haase, Felix, Die koptischen Quellen zum Konzil von Nicaea. (StGKA
10, 4). vii, 124 pp. Paderbom, Sch5ningh, 1920. M. 14. — Heekrodi,
Ella, Die Kanones von Sardika aus der Kirdiengeschichte erli&utert (Diss.
Jena.) 3c, 128 pp. Bonn, Marcus und Weber, 1917. M. 8. — Kooh, Hugo,
Die Zeit des Konzib von Elvira (ZNW 17, 1916, 61-67). — Sehwarta,
Eduard, Zur Vorgeschichte des ephesinischen Konzils (HZ 114, 1914, 287-
268).
Thb Bomak Ghttbch and trx Papacy. Bruining, A., De Boomscfae kerk
en Augustinus (NThT 4, 1915, 97-122). — Esser, O^rAar^f, Das Irenaeus-
zeugnis fUr den Primat der rtfmischen Eorche (Kath. 97, 1, 1917, 289-815;
2, 16-84). — Harnack, ilJoZ/ von, ZurGeschichte der AnfKnge der inneren
Organisation der stadtrttmischen Kirche. (SAB 1918, zliii, 964-987). Berlin,
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LTFERATUBE ON CHURCH HISTOBY S57
Beimer» 1918. M. 1^ — Kiraeh, Johann Peter, Die rOmiscfaen Titelkircli6D
im Altertum (StGKA 9, 1, ^). x, 224 pp. Paderbom, Schttningh, 1918.
M. 10. — Koch, Hugo, Zum Lebensgange Eallists (ZNW 17, 1916, 211 sq.);
Petrus und Paulus im zweiten Osterfeststreit? (ZNW 19, 1919/20, 174-179).
— Peitz, Wilhelm M., Aus dem Greheimarchiv der Weltkirche (StZ 94,
1917, 280-290); Das Register Gregois I (£rgaiizungsliefte zu den StZ 2, 2).
xvi, 222 pp. Freiburg, Herder, 1917. M. 11; Liber Diumus, BeitrSge zur
Kenntnis der aeltesten pftpstlichen Kajazlei vor Gregor dem Grossen. I.
Ueberliefenmg dea Kanzleibuches uid sein vorgregorianischer Urspnmg.
(SAW 185, 1918, 4). 144 pp. Wien, Holder, 1918; Neue Aufechlttsse Uber
den Liber Diumus, das Vorlagenbuch der mitteialterlichen Papstkanzlei (StZ
94, 1918, 486^96); Martin I und Maximus Confessor. Ein Beitrag zur
Geschichte des Monotheletenstreites in den Jahren 645-668 (HJG 38, 1917,
21^286). — Prey sing, Konrad Oraf, Zwei offizielle Entscheidungen des
rOmischen StuMes um die Wende des 2. Jahrhunderts (ZkTh 41, 1917, 595-
597). — Rauecken, Oerkard, Floril^ium patristicum iz: Teztus ante-
nicaeni ad primatum romanum spectantes. vi, 60 pp. Bonn, Hanstein, 1914.
M. 1, 40; kart. M. 1, 60. — Silva-Tarouca, Karl, Beitrtfge zur Ueber-
lieferun^sgeschichte der Papstbriefe des 4.-6. Jahrhunderts (ZkTh 48, 1919,
469-481, 657-692); — Tangl, Michael, Gregor-Begister und Liber Diur-
nus (NADG 41, 1919, 741-752).
Gensral. Metzner vindicates the Catholic conception of
the primitive Christian organization. To this end he takes up
Hamack's writings and endeavors to refute them. He has
certainly done his work with industry and care, and in incidental
particulars he may merit a hearing. As a whole, however, his
book is only a new proof that dogma and history are in contra-
diction. — In connection with the statement of Epiphanius,
Haer. 68, 7, that, unlike other cities, Alexandria never had two
bishops, Koch calls attention to several well-authenticated in-
stances of an episcopal duumvirate during the third century. —
Moe is of the opinion that the Christians in the East were
organized as 0laa<n under a xpoo-rdn/f, whereas in the West
they chose a prominent member of the congregation to be their
* patron.' [Ftofessor Ammundsen.]
Councils. In 1909 the Strassburger Wissenschaftliche Gesell-
schaf t resolved to undertake the publication of a critical edition
of the acts of the oecumenical councils of Ephesus, Chalcedon,
Constantinople 55S, Constantinople 880-681, Nicaea 787, Con-
stantinople 869, and Constantinople 879, and intrusted the task
to Ediuurd Schwartz. Properly recognizing that more was
involved than merely the acts in the narrow sense, that is the
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868 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
transactioiis of the councils themsdyes, which are abeady
easily accessible m the current coDections, Schwartz directed
his first efforts to those compilations which, like the SynodicoD
Casinense or the Codex Enpydius, afford glimpses of the ante-
cedent proceedings of the synods and of the diplomatic n^o-
tiations that accompanied or followed them. The first vdiume
to appear in this great enterprise contains a number of such
documents which are important for the understanding cS the
history of the council of 558, relating in part to the Theopaschite
controversy, in part to that of the Three Chapters, and in part
to the actual proceedings of the council. The volume bc^^
with the writings of Johannes Maxentius, once edited by Coch-
laeus from a manuscript which later found its way to Oxford,
and has been identified for the first time by Schwartz in Cod.
Bodl. 580. These are followed by the sections concerning the
Theopaschite controversy in the so-called Collectio Novarien-
sis, tiiat is, the documents preserved in Cod. Nov. 80 and
published by AmeUi in the first volume of the Spidlegium Casi-
nense. The third group consists of the texts of the Collectio
Codids Parisini 1682, largely papal letters, together with the
account of Innocentius of Maronea concerning the so-called
CoUatio cum Severianis (Mansi viii, 817-884), which Schwartz
assigns, as the present writer had already done, but partly on
the basis of fresh considerations, to the year 583 instead of 581.
An appendix suppUes the encyclical addressed by Frodus of
Constantinople to the Armenians in the year 485 (Mansi v,
421--487) with the Latin translation at Dionysius Exiguus, be-
sides a letter from Pope John 11 to certain senators (Mansi
viii, 808-806). The prolegomena deal in the main with ques-
tions regarding the history of the tradition, touchiog upoB
material problems only where intelligibility requires. But
once does the author allow himself to discuss such a subject
on a more extensive scale: the much-debated history of the
Scythian monks is reviewed in the masterly manner wbiA
Schwartz has accustomed us to associate with his work. Com-
plementary to this publication are the studies in the history
of the councik noticed above on p. 881 (Cassianus) and p. SS7
(IVodus).
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LTTERATUBE ON CHURCH HISTOBY 350
The war and its consequences have unhappily greatly les-
sened the hope of being able to carry through without change
this largely planned undertaking, but Schwartz has not given
it up. In the meantime he has presented us in the Abhand-
lungen of the Munich Academy with a valuable parergon. In
a manuscript in the library of the Society of Christian Archae-
ology in Athens he found a rich collection of documents for the
history of the Council of Ephesus in 431. Of the one hundred
and seventy-seven pieces in this collection he now prints those
that were unknown, or had hitherto been published only in
Latin translations. Among them are letters from Cyril of
Alexandria, John of Antioch, Popes Celestine and Sixtus m,
Theodoret of Cyrus, and others. The transactions concerning
the right of the Patriarch of Antioch to consecrate bishops on
the island of Cyprus, which are of such great importance for
the interpretation of the sixth canon of Nicaea are now acces-
sible in tiieir Greek text. To the reproduction of these docu-
ments Schwartz had added an investigation of the relations of
this Xollectio Atheniensis' to those which have been trans-
mitted to us in the libraries of the West (Collectio S^uieriana
and Collectio Vaticana). In the concluding section, Schwartz
turns his attention to the Latin translations which were made
upon the basis of these Greek collections, particularly to that
which is known under the misleading designation *Synodicon
Casinense.^ He idiows that the Collectio Casinensis is an am-
plification of the Collectio Tunmensis preserved in Cod.
Paris. 1572. The Roman deacon Rusticus, nephew of Pope
Vigilius, is to be rcipurded as the author of this work. We pos-
sess from his hand a Latin redaction of the Acts of Chalcedon,
which belongs together with the amplification of the Collectio
Turonensis and its continuation in the so-called Synodioon
Casinense. To the whole Schwartz gives the title * Synodioon
of Rusticus/ The next task which Schwartz has set himself is
to publish the first two parts of this Synodicon. The manu-
script is already complete, and the type-setting is said to have
begun; but if it is to be completed, large suiqport by early sub-
scription is necessary* Schwartz justly writes: ''I think I
have sufficiently shown by this Memoir that the undertating
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S60 HABVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
is necessary ; and that it will contribute to science an abundance
of new material, or material made for the first time usable by
new editions, suffidait to engage the labor of generations. I
sincerely hope that» after all my toil, it may not be brou^^ht to
a halt." This hope I would most urgently second.
The account of the last day's session of the Ephesian synod
of 449, the 'Robber Synod,' has come down to us only in Syriac
(Cod. Mus. Brit. Add. 145S0 Syr. 005), and the edition of that
text by S. 6. F. Perry (Oxford 1875) has unfortimatdy re-
mained practicaUy imknown. Even acquaintance with the
German translation by Geoi^ Hoffmann (187S), the French by
P. Martin (1874), and the English by Perry (1875), has been
limited to the narrow circle of a very few investigators. It is
to be hoped that the new edition now offered by Flemming
will meet with a better fate. Facing the Syriac text Flemming
prints the translation of Hoffmann, whose instructive notes are
added, substantially unaltered, at the end of the volume. —
On the subject of one or other of the individual councils there
are a number of valuable contributions. In opposition to
Ducheme, whose assignment of the council of Elvira to the
period about SOO (that is, before the Diocletian persecution)
has been accepted by many scholars, Koch advocates, on very
respectable grounds, the period between S06 and S12, with a
preference for the earliest possible date within these limits. — >
The Coptic sources on the Council of Nicaea, which Eugtee
Revillout published in the Journal Asiatique, 1873-75, have
never been thoroughly investigated. A study of th^m has now
been made by Haase, who comes to the conclusion that they
are not official 'Acts,' but rather a gradually accumulated pri-
vate corpus of docum^ts of various origin. The creed, cata^
logue of bishops, and canons — the latter only partially pre-
served — are fairly good translations of Greek prototypes
whose text was in parts better and more origmal than the
Greek texts which have come down, to us. The doctrinal seo-
tions cannot have been composed befcMre ApoUinaris of Laodicea
and the earliest controversies on the doctrine of the Holy
Ghost. The corpus conq[>rises the b0&na Tlrrem printed
among the works of Athanasius» with the cim-mypm MomoXtai
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LTTERATUBE ON CHUBCH HISTORY 361
TTpis luafiiopras which is appended to it, besides a valuable
colle<d:ion of apophthegms. In addition to these studies, Haase
supplies a German translation of all the texts. — Frfiulein
Heckrodt attempts to show that the canons of Sardica may
without violence be fitted into the ecclesiastical movements of
the fourth century, so that there should be no suspicion of
forgery. The Greek text is the original. The authoress ex*
pounds this text with great diligence. She has brought to-
gether and worked over a vast amoimt of material which
hitherto had to be laboriously sought in widely scattered
sources. Even such much-discussed questions as that of the
position of the Roman bishop in the third and fourth centuries
she manages to treat with a certain degree of originality. —
Schwartz offers a section of an impublished work on the ec-
clesiastical policy of the Eastern Empire in the fifth and sixth
centuries. He succeeds in shedding light, sometimes new and
always interesting, on questions both of the history of doctrine
and of church polity. This study can be read with pleasure as
well as profit, for the author has a rare faculty for presenting
valuable material in attractive form. One matter of detail may
be mentioned. The opinion which as the result of Hort's re-
searches (Two Dissertations, 1882) has become universal among
scholars, that the Nicene-Constantinopolitan creed was not
adopted at the synod of S8I, but originated later, is rejected by
Schwartz.
RoifAN Church. Professor Kitsch of Freiburg, Switzer-
land, has undertaken a comprehensive study of the group of
so-called title-churches (Tituli), which have an important bear-
ing on the chuorch life of Rome in antiquity. He aims to deter-
mine the character of these Tituli, to ascertain their origin and
historical development, and to define the position they occupied
in the ecclesiastical organization of the Roman chuorch in early
times. There were twenty-five such churches, of which, all but
two (Titulus S. Cynad and Titulus S. Matthaei) survive as
cardinal churches to this day. Their origin is to be traced to
the third century. Eighteai of them were already in existence
before the great persecution. Most of the Tituli were originally
private houses, with the name of the owner indicated by meana
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862 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL BEVEBW
of an inacriptian over the entrance. In the middle of the fourth
coitury these houses, which up to that time had not been much
altered began to be replaced by basilicas. Only in the sixth
century was the historical development of the Tituli completed.
As may be imagined, our sources for a knowledge of their place
in the ecclesiastical organization are scanty; but the author
makes them yield valuable information nevertheless. — A wel-
come supplement to the researches of Kirsch is furnished by
Harnack, The latter's principal concern, however, is with the
origin of the Roman 'r^ons' and with the related subject of
the diaconal and presbyterial organization of the Roman church
in the third century. That Rome had a permanent central
church and episcopal residence before the time of Constantine,
he beUeves must be denied; though he thinks the bishop did
maintain, in the vidnity of his church, an extensive chancellery
with the requisite apartments.
Bfuining breaks a lance for the Augustinianism of the
Catholic Church. At the synod of Orange in 529 she accepted
genuine Augustinianism, and held firmly to that position ever
after, properly rejecting such extreme views as those of the
monk Gottschalk and of the Jansenists. [Bakhuizen van den
Brink.] — The much-discussed passage in Irenaeus, Adv. Haer.
iii. S, 1, has been subjected to renewed study by Esser^ who
comes to the conclusion that the principle 'what is Roman is
catholic' and indirectly also the theory of the infallibility of
the Roman church, are already discoverable in Irenaeus.
Against this daring conclusion there has appeared meanwhile
a convincing article by Koch, ThStKr 94 (1921), 54r-72; who
admits, however, that Esser's translation of the celebrated pas-
sage is entirely correct linguistically. — Koch attacks the re-
ceived view that the reference by Polycrates of Ephesus to the
MeydXa arotx^^o, which remain in Asia, in his letter to Victor of
Rome (Euseb. Hist. Ecd. v. 24, 2), was occasioned by Victor's
appeal to Peter and Paul and the presence of their graves in
Rome. In a second note, Koch maintains that the statement of
Hippolytus (Philos. ix. 12, 4) concerning Calixtus can only be
interpreted in the sense that Zephyrinus admitted Calixtus into
the clergy and intrusted him with the management of the
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LTTERATUBE ON CHUBCH HISTOBY SOS
jcoi/fiTT^piOF. — Graf Prey sing sees in the "edicts' of ZephyM-
nus and Calixtus reported by Hippolytus (Ref. ix. 11, 12) two
official utterances which indicate that even at that time the
offices of the Roman see employed a distinctive court style.
In recent years the Jesuit scholar, Peitz^ has attracted the
attention of scholars by his attempts to overturn apparently
well-established results in the field of documentary criticism.
The importance of the positions he attacks makes watchfulness
on the part of critics especially necessary, the more so that
Peitz puts forward his assertions not only with much learning
but also with great self-assurance, and that there is a tendency
among his associates to hail him as a veritable reformer of the
science of diplomatics and "a star of the first magnitude in the
historical heavens/ His first point of attack is furnished by the
well-known researches of Paul Ewald in the NAD6 for 1879,
which formed the basis of the edition at the letters at Gregory
the Great in the Monumenta Grermaniae. According to Ewald
the foundation of our tradition is supplied by three manuscript
collections, compiled at various times from the Lateran official
register: 1. the Hadrianic register, that is, the collection of 686
(68S) letters compiled at the behest of Pope Hadrian I; 2. the
collection of 200 letters in the Cod. Colon. 92, saec. viii and
other manuscripts; and S. the so-called Collectio Pauli (prob-
ably Diaconus). These thjree series of selections formed the
basis of his edition. Peitz now strives to maintain that the
first named coUection is a true and complete copy of the original
register; from which it would follow that that collection alone
should have been made the basis of Ewald's edition, and that
th^ latter is therefore fundamentally defective. But this as-
sumption of Peitz breaks down completely when confronted
with the unequivocal testimony of the tradition, as has been
convincingly shown by Tangly one of our foremost authorities
on diplomatics. Still bolder are Peitz's conclusions regarding
the Liber Diumus, or Papal chancellery-book. In opposition
to its editor, Sickel, who, while distinguishing between an older
strand and later additions, places the compilation of the formu-
laries not earlier than the eighth century, Peitz not only claims
for all the formulae a pre-Gregorian origin, but would push
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864 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL BEYIEW
them bade into early Christian times, even into the second cen-
tury. What the pr^lication of so early a date involves, may be
seen irom the fact that Peits thinks he can recognize in the
earlier stratum of the bishop's confession of faith, ocmtained in
Liber Diumus No. 78, the original form of the Apostles' Creed.
(See above, p. 841 f ., on Haussleiter.) Peitz also believes he
can demonstrate the authenticity of the papal documents f w
Lorch-Passau and f or the ardibi^iopric of Hambuig. WeshaO
have occasion to return to this subject in our survey of the
literature on the history of the church in the Middle Ages.
It is to be eiq>ected that many other pens wiQ be set in moticm
by the revolutionary theses of Peitz. Nor should his 'Beitrag
zur Geschichte des Monothdetenstreits' be overlooked, in
which, while discussing the views of the present writer and
other investigators, he seeks to settle more than one disputed
point by a new method of approach.
Rauschen has brought together the most important passages
bearing upon the earliest development of the idea of primacy
in the episc(q>ate. Those who possess Mirbt's 'Quellen' will
find nothing new in this publication. — Silva-Taroueas
whose articles are not yet concluded, deals first with the edi-
tions of Constant, the brothers Ballenni, and Thiel, and then
with the earliest collections of the decretals. He concludes that
the decretak of the popes from Siricius to Coelestinus, whidi
have come down to us in the collections of canons, go back to
selective compilations which were pretty certainly complete
about the middle of the fifth century. We must suppose them
to have been copied from transcripts of the original decretals
which were sent to the various ecclesiastical provinces by the
addressees.
Adam, Karl, Dafl sogenannte Biusedikt des Papstes Kalliat (VKSM 4, 5).
64 pp. MUnchea, Lentner, 1917. M. 1, 60. — Boehmer, Heinrich, Die
Entstdiung des Zodibates. (Studien Hauck [vide supra p. S88], 6-24. —
Brander F., "Binden imd Loesen" in der altsyriscfaen Kirche (Kitth 95, 1,
1916, fe20H28£, «87-304). — Companu9, F. Ferr., O. F. M., De biecht in
de eerste eeuwen der kerk. (Geloof en wetenschap 11, 5). 63 pp. NijmegeD,
Malmberg, 1916. — Esaer, Gerhard, Der Adressat der Schrift TertuDkns
**dt pudidtia" imd der Vofasaer des rOmischen Bussedikts. 46 pp. B<Hin,
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LTTERATUBE ON CHURCH HISTOBY 365
Hanstdn, 1914. M. 1 ; Die Behandlung der Haeresie in der Buasdissipliii der
alten Kirche (ThGl 8, 1916, 472-483). — Kemper^ J. W., Biecht en boete in
de drie eerste eeuwen, naar aanleiding van een nieuw boek [d' Al^s, L' ^t
de Calliste, Par. 1914]. (Studien 46, 1914, 49-69). — Kodi, Hugo, Kallist
nnd TertuUian. (SAH 1919, 22). ii,96pp. Heidelberg, Winter, 1920. M. 5,
40. — Preysinff, Konrad Orqf^ Ezistenz und Inhalt des Bussedikts Kalliats
(ZkTh 48, 1919, 858-862).
There are some problems tx> which scholars constantly recur.
One such is that which relates, to the growth of the system ot
penance in the first c^ituries, and in particular to the evalua-
tion ci Tertullian's writings 'De paenitentia' and 'De pudi-
dtia,' as well as to the aU^ed edict (edictum peremplonum)
which is the object of attack in the latter treatise. These ques-
tions have been the subject of renewed and lively discussion in
the period covered by tiie present survey. Professor Esser oi
Bonn, who by reason of his life-long studies in Tertullian (see
above, p. 812, under BKV) has won the right to a most respect-^
ful hearing, holds that the 'De pudicitia' was addressed, not
to the bishop of Rome, but to the catholic church of Carthage
or else to its bishop. The bishop of Rome was, it is true, the
author of the 'edict,' but he was not responsible for the contro-
versy at Carthage; he merely took a hand in it after his aid
had been invoked by the bishc^ of that church. The bishop
of Rome in question, moreover, was not Calixtus, as has been
generally assumed on the basis of the familiar passage in the
Philosophumena of Hippolytus, but lus predecessw Zephyri-
nus. In support of this view Esser seeks to show (as does also
Graf Prey sing) that the statement of Hippolytus to the effect
that Calistus was the first to deal leniently with sins against
chastity does not refer to a special decree on the subject of
penance. Also he thinks the 'Depudicitia' must be dated much
earlier than is usual, that is, in the year 21S; in which case
of course it could not refer to Calixtus. These conclusions
of Esser have secured the assent of so highly esteemed a
co-worker as F. Diekamp, ThRev. IS, 454-456. Adam goes
further. He bdieves that even the 'edict' originated with the
bishop of Carthage; so that the connection with Rome must be
wholly eliminated. As r^ards the 'edict' itself, both Esser and
Adam are of the opinion that the toleration there e3q>ressed
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see HAEVABD THEOLOGICAL BEVEEW
towards sms of the flesh was not an innovatioii* but merely a
oonfirmatioii of the common practice of the duirdi in opposi-
tion to the strict requirements of the Montanists.
All these assertions are controverted by Koeh in an essay
wiiich exhibits at their best the merits of that escellent sdiolar's
critical method. He recognises, (A course, as have all previous
investigators, that the ^De pflenitentia' contains eqwesmons
which seem to favor the idea that it was the custom of the
churdi even then to rdiabilitate the most serious offend^s on
performance of due penance. But he shows that those passages
must be controlled by others which unimstakably prove the
opposite. And he p<Hnts in this connection to some little-
noticed passages m the 'De bnptismo' (c. 6) and the 'Apdo-
geticum' (c. S9), from which it appears plain that certain sins
were punished with permanent exclusion from the fellowship of
worship and the sacraments. So that the procedure of the
bishop who uttered the 'edict' was in fact an innovation. He
goes on to re-establish the connection between the Hippolytus
passage and the statements of Tertullian, which is disputed by
Esser and Adam; disposes of the objection drawn from the
chronology of the 'De pudicitia/ by showing that the latter
must have been written before the 'De monogamia' and the
'De ieiunio adversus psychicos,' hence necessarily during the
^iscopate of Calixtus, and so brings back into honor the view
that Calixtus was the author of the 'edict.' Moreover, the op-
ponent addressed in the 'De pudicitia' can hardly be any otho*
than the bishop of Rome, to whom alone the derisive designa-
tions 'pontifex maximus' and 'episcopus episcopcHiun' (the
latter misinterpreted by Adam) could apply. To be sure,
Tertullian extends his condemnation to every other bishop who
follows the example of the bishop of Rome, as well as to all
'psychics' who are of the same mind, against which latttf, as
its title indicates, his treatise is directed. Koch devotes a final
section to the confutation of the efforts to employ this writing
of Tertullian (as Esser in particular attempts to do) in support
of the thesis that the legal primacy of the Roman bishops was
already recognized at that time. I may note in this connec-
tion that Grerman scholars w^re already acquainted with the
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LITERATURE ON CHURCH HISTORY 867
book of D'Al^, L'^t de Calliste, Paiis 1914. — By means of
a judicious combination of old and new materials, Boehmer
aims to determine the motive which lejd the ancient church to
require of those who ministered at its altars, not indeed celibacy,
but continence in the marriage relation. The officittm caniugale
does not comport with service at the altar. Accordingly, where
the eucharist was celebrated daily, as was already the case in
the West before 800, there was a strong tendency toward con-
tinued continence. It was otherwise in the East, where the
celebration took place only several times a week, and hence
temporary abstention on the day preceding the offering was
deemed sufficient. The ancient church had as yet not the least
idea of introducing the celibacy of the priesthood; that was
reserved for the Middle Ages. — The works of Companus
and Kemper contain, as I am informed by Bakhuissen van den
Brink, nothing of scientific interest.
g. AaeeHcism and Moruuticum
Tbxts.
Crum, W.^ E. Der Papyrus codex tuutc. VI-VII der Fhillippsbibliothek
KU Chdtenham. Koptische theologische Schriften herausgegeben und
Ubenetzt. Biit einem Beitrag von Albert Ehrhard. (Schr Ges Str 18).
zviiiylTlpp. Biit swei Tafeln in Lichtdruck. Strassburg, TrUbner, 1915. M.
15. — Hesseling, D. C, Bloemlesing ait het Prstum Spirituale van
Johannes Moschus van inleiding en aantekeningen voorzien. (Aetatis im-
peratoriae scriptores graeci et romani adnotationibus instnicti curantibus P.
J. Enk en D. Kooij.) Utrecht, Ruys, 1916. fL.^.
IMysSXIOATIOMB.
AWers, Brunoy Der Geist des hi. Benediktus. viii, 112 pp. Freiburg, Herder,
1917. M. 1, 20. — Biekel, Ernst, Das asketische Ideal bei Ambrosius,
EUeronynius und Augustinus. 88 pp. Ldpsig, Teubner, 1916. M. 1, 50. —
Bousset, Wilhelm, Komposition und Charakter der Historia Lausiaca
(NGW 1917, 178-217). — Casd, Odo, Zur Vision des heQ. Benedikt (StMB
88, 1917, 845-848). — Degenhart, Friedrieh, Der bdlige Nilus Sinaita.
Sein Leben und seine Ldae vom Mi^nchtum. (Beitrlige sur Gesdiichte des
alten MOnchtums und des Benediktinerordens 6.) adi, 188 pp. MUnster i«
W., AschendorfP, 1915. M. 5; geb. M. 6, 50; Neue Beitrilge zur Nilusfor-
schung. V, 50 pp. Ebd., 1918. M. 1, 50. — Herwegen, Ildefons, Der
hdlige Benedikt. 2. Aufl. zii, 170 pp. DUaseldorf , Schwann, 1917, M. 7. —
Heussi, Karl, Untennchungen su Nilus dem Asketen. (TU 42, 2). iv,
172 pp. Leipzig, Hinrichs, 1917. M.6,50; Nilus der Asket und der Ueberf all
der Moenche am Sinai (NJklA 85, 1916, 107-«21). — KrUger, Gustav,
Asketika (ThB 20, 1917, 68-88). — If i2220f, JEn^eiier^ Studien su den
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368 HABVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Biographien des St^diteo Symeon des Jtliigerai. (Diss. Mtlndieii.) 66 pp.
Asduifenbuig, Wcrinin, 1914. — Reitzenstein^ Richard, Des AUumanni
Werk Uber da^ Leben des Antonius. (SAH 1914, 8). 68 pp. Heiddberg,
Winter, 1914. M. 2, 40; Historia monachoniin und Historia Lausiaca. Bine
Studie sur G«Bchidite des Mbnchtuiiu und der frUhdiristlidien Begriffe
Gnostiker und Pneumatiker. (FRLANT, Neue Folge, 7). vi, 966 pp. G6t-
tingen, Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1919. M. 10, 40. — Salonius, A. H.,
Vitae Patnun. Kritiache Untersuchungen Uber Text, Syntax und Wortscfaatz
der sptttlateiniachen Vitae Patrum (Buch iii, v, yi, vii). (Skrifter utgivna
av hunumistiaka vetfiwkapiwamfundet; Lund. Acta Societatis humanioruin
litteranim Lundensis. II). xi, 466 pp. Lund., C. W. K Gleerap, 1920.
M. 120.
Texts. The PhiUpps Library papynis codex dating from the
sixth or seventh century, now in the possession of Mr. T. Fitz-
roy Fenwick of Cheltenham, contains several interesting Coptic
writings of a theological character which are best discussed at
this point, since they originated in the circles of Pachomian
monachism. They have been edited by Crum with his usual
care, and he has also supplied a German translation. To
Ehrhard we are indebted for an excellent historico-critical
introduction to the texts. In the main they group themselves
about four persons, three of whom, the archbishops Theophilus
And Cyril of Alexandria, and Horsiesius, third abbot-general of
the Pachomian monasteries in the southern Thebais, are well
known from the ecclesiastical and monastical history of Egypt,
while the foiulh. Bishop Agathonicus of Tarsus, appears here
for the first time. The popular character of these texts makes
them especially valuable; they afford a more direct and vivid
insight into the religious life of the Pachomian monks than can
be had from the learned theological literature. They fall into
three parts: 1. the account of a journey of Horsiesius to Alex-
andria, an interesting episode from the life of this second suc-
cessor of Pachomius, concerning whom our information is other-
wise quite meagre; 2. the 'Questions and Answers,* in which
Cyril of Alexandria plays the chief rdle, and which, according
to Ehrhard, do not belong to the class of ifHorawoicplffHSf but
grew out of an actual colloquy between the patriarch and his
two deacons, Anthimus and Stephanus; and S. a group of
pseudepigrapha, put into the mouth of an otherwise unknown
Bishop Agathonicus of Tarsus by a Pachomian monk, who
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LTTEBATUBE ON CHURCH HISTOBY 869
made use of a pseudonym for the discussion of several disputed
points of doctrine. Crum leaves the question op&i whether
the texts were originally composed in Coptic or are translations
from the Greek, while Ehrhard confidently decides in favor of
the first alternative. — Professor Heaseling is known as one
of the foremost investigators in the field of the Koine. The edi-
tion of extracts from the 'Pratum Spirituale' of Johannes Mos-
chus which he has prepared for students of philology and the-
ology, with its summary of the history of the Koine and brief
grammatical notes, fully sustains his reputation. The intro-
duction deals with the life of Johannes, and emphasizes the
value of lus book for a knowledge of the state of religion at the
end of the sixth century. [Bakhuizen van den Brink.]
Stxtdjes. In hia 'Hellenistische Wundererzfihlungen,' pub-
lished in 1906, Reitzenstein had already attacked the literary
problem of the oldest monastical histories. In 1912 appeared
Holl's important study, *Die schriftstellerische Form der Heili-
genlegende' (NJklA 29, 1912, 406-127). In that study HoU
showed that the Vita Antonii of Athanasius was the prototype
of the Greek lives of the saints, and found the characteristic dif-
ference between the Christian narratives and classical biography
to consist in the fact that in the former the biographical element
serves only as a means for the representation of the ideal. At
the same time he pointed out that the model for the Vita
Antonii must have been furnished by a lost filos TLv$ay6pov.
Reitzenstein has extended these observations. Upon further
study, the astonishing fact was disclosed that not only were
parts of the narrative in the Vita extracted quite mechanically
and unintelligently from a life of Pythagoras, but even its
ideal of the Christian ascetic was formed tmder the immediate
influence of the Neopythagorean ideal of human perfection.
The very conception of ascetidsm reflects that ideal, since as-
ceticism aims not at the destruction of the body, but merdy at
its subjection to the spirit, and the restoration of man to his
original state, his true nature. Thus Athanasius transferred to
Christianity the philosophical ideal of the perfect wise man»
standing above all earthly things. In so doing, Reitz^oistein
supposes he sought to portray an ideal that should contrast
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870 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
with another ooiioq>tkm of the value and dignity of the aaoetie
life aliea47 widdy prevalent in the monastic life of his time
(about the middle <rf the fourth eaitury)» namdy, the oonoq>-
tion of the mcmk as a Pheumatic or Gnostic, a 8iq>erhnman
being. The questicm then arises, how nearly we can get at this
other conception. A thorou^ examination of certain technical
terms, partidularly of the word iiordfccy, showed that while
monastidsm as an historical institution was influenced by Neo-
pythagoreanism, its fundamental ideas must have be»i formed
in the main under the influence of Gnostidsm. Toconfirm these
observations, however, it seemed necessary to make a com-
prehensive study of the older monastics] narratives, especially
the Historia Monachorum and the Historia Lausiaca; to in-
quire into their literary character, detemune the historical
value of their statements, and to set forth the ideas and con-
ceptions of their authors. But even then the circle of the sources
to be investigated would have been too narrowly drawn. The
monastical writers on ethics — an Evagrius Ponticus and a
Diodochus of Photice — had also to be examined, with the
correct recognition of the fact that for the proper evaluation
of the monastical novel the ascetic-gnostic didactic writings
must necessarily be taken into consideration. In this way a
new book has been produced, concerning which one cannot help
r^retting that its readableness is in inverse proportion to its
importance. Reitzenstein is fond of studying coram publico.
He conducts his readers all along the path he himself has trav-
elled, with all the detours which were unavoidable for him, to
be sure, but which they might well have been spared.
The course of Reitzenstein's investigation may be sum-
marized as follows: Unlike Lucius in his well-known book,
'Die Anfilnge des Heiligenkultes,' he thinks of the 'legend'
only as a literary product (chap. IHL). Not the person, but the
purpose, determines the plan of ^the narrative. The two great
collections, the 'Historia Monachorum' and the 'Historia
Lausiaca,* derive their value, not from the description of events,
nor yet from their representation oi the attendant circum-
stances, the milieu, but from the views of the authors which
there find expression — the views of Rufinus (Reitzenstein
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IITERATDBB ON CHURCH HISTOBY S71
holds, with Preuschen, that the Latin form of the Historia
Monaehonun is the original) and of an unknown author (after
the name of Palladius as author of the Historia Lausiaca,
Reitsenstein puts a question mark); or, to be more exact, the
views of those circles in which the narratives committed to
writing by these authors arose as a kind of popular literature
in the form of separate stories. Next (chap. 5) he examines the
idea of the ascetic as superman, with r^ard to its origins and
various ramifications. He shows the connection between the
I stories of monks and those of martyrs, and takes occasion to
i investigate anew the origin and significance of the title of
I 'martyr' (see above p. SOOf .), as well as the position and law of
the Christian Fheumatics. The language of asceticism in the
I Stoics, Neopythagoreans, Philo, and Porphyry (with especial
1 emphasis on the often n^lected writing 'Ad Marcellam') is
( inquired into, and the 'decisive fact that most of the terminol-
ogy of monasticism is borrowed from heathen philosophy' is
placed in its proper light. In this way he shows that the in-
[ fluence of Pythagoreanism upon nascent monasticism was sup-
plemented by that of the Hellenistic mysteries and of early
Christian Gnosticism. The sixth chapter is devoted to Evagrius
; and Diadochus. Here especial attention is paid, on the one
hand, to the examination of the conception of Gnosis in its
double aspect as the higher and the lower Gnosis, and on the
I other, to the gradual rejection of the ascetics' daim to belong
to a supramundane order of beings. The seventh and eighth
( chapters are occupied with the Historia Lausiaca (analysis of
sources, question of revision); the ninth with the opposition
, between the episcopacy and the ascetic class (Massaliani, £n-
^ cratites). His closing diapter the author devotes to a fresh and
exhaustive discussion of the original significance of the early
Christian terms 'Gnostic' and 'Pneumatic,' which, as our re-
view has shown, are of prime importance for the whole in-
, vestigation. Thje extremely polemical tone of this discussion
, will be regretted. In opposition to Hamack, Reitsenstein de-
fends the definition of Gnosis which has been reached by recent
, researches of philologists and students of the history of religion.
For further information on this subject the reader is rrferred
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372 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
to the present writer's (Kritger) above-mentioned notice in the
ThR, or better still to the publications of Reitzensjtein and
Hamack on the formula 'Glaube, Liebe, Hoffnung'; the latter
belong in the department of the New Testament and early
Christianity, and hence cannot be reviewed in this place.
Reitzenstein, who teaches at GOttingen» dedicated his book
to Wilhelm Bousset on the occasion of the latter's departure
from G^ttingen to take a chair at Giessen. Bousset himself
had given a good deal of attention to the older monastic litera-
ture. His essay on the composition and character of the His-
toria Lausiaca starts with the observations of Reitzenstein, in
particular with the fact, so significant for the literary criticism
of the Historia, that the terms yv&<nSf yvcjaruobSf xvevfiaTiKin
are found exclusively in certain sections of the work, that is to
say, in the second half and in the first four chapters of the first
half. This signifies that those expressions are to be found
only where there is reason to believe that we are dealing with
the compiler of the Historia Lausiaca himself, and not with one
of his written sources. Bousset strives to identify those earli^
sources. He thinks he can recognize as such: 1. a collection of
stories about the monks of the desert of Scete; 2. matter from
the traditions concerning Pachomius; S. a catalogue of Syrian
saints, with brief characterizations; and 4. (perhaps) a collec-
tion of 'lives' of holy women. I venture to add, in this con-
nection, that am<Hig the papers left by Professor Bousset there
is a manuscript work, completely ready for the printer, on the
history of the Apophth^mata Patrum.* Its publication would
be a real gain for science, but no publisher could tmdertake it
without very considerable contributions towa;rds meeting the
cost of printing. As Germany alone is unable to supply the
necessary funds at the present time, it is perhaps permissible
to draw the attention of non-German scholars to this unques-
tionable 'good work/ — In his sketch Bickel tries to show
how the three currents of evangelical, monastic-gn,ostiG> and
philosophical asceticism are united in the ascetic ideal of the
■ In the " Fegtgabe *' oommemonting Harnadc's eeYentieth birtbday (Tiihing^,
filbhr, IMl) Bouaet gives a brief flummuy (pp. 109-106) of the remits of thb ex-
tcQsive wotic
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LTTERATtlRE ON CHURCH HISTOBY S7»
three great theologians of the western church. To retrace the
soiu-ces of this ideal he goes back, beyond the Alexandrians
Clement and Origen, to Posidonius and the Socratic philos-
ophy. At the same time he attempts to do justice to the liter-
ary individuality of each of the three theologians. For so short
a treatise this is quite too large a task. But the skilful author
manages to awaken lively interest in his subject nevertheless.
In his painstaking monogriaph on Nilus Sinaita, Degenhart
did not attempt any critical treatment of the literary traditi(Hi»
in which the true and the false are palpably intermingled.
Heussi has undertaken to make good that omission. Unless
he is mistaken, the fascinating story of the attack on the monks
of Sinai, upon which the traditional life-story of Nilus has been
built up, cannot hereafter be employed as an historicdi source,
though it does not thereby lose its value as a picture of con-
temporary life. For our knowledge of Nilus we must therefore
depend upon his own writings, especially on the collection of
his letters. The investigation of that collection forms the kernel
of Heussi's work. As in the case of Isidore of Pelusium, the col-
lection consists of real letters, not rhetorical exercises in style
or mere excerpts from the Church Fathers^ Because of their
impersonal character, which will surprise no one who is familiar
with the literature of asceticism, the letters throw very little
light on the conditions under which the author lived. But
references to Sinai are entirely lacking, and Heussi believes the
author must be sought rather in northwestern Asia Minor.
The circle of his readers embraced the whole of Byzantine
society from emperor to slave — monks, deigy, and laymen.
In his second study, Degenhart seeks to maintain the historic-
ity of the Sinai story with old and new arguments. We may
expect a rejoinder from Heussi.*
Simeon the younger, the celebrated Stylite (521-596), had
three biographers: Arcadius, archbishop of Constantia in
Cyprus (died after 626), Johannes Petrinus (tenth century),
and Nicephorus, sumamed 6 Obpayis (about 1000). Miiller
furnishes first a critical text of the Vita by Petrinus from the
• ThiiliM just been puMithed. See Kul Hentii, Dm NOaqnoblem. 88pp. Ldp-
sig; Hioricfas, 1981. M.O. Heuasi, m mi^t be expected, dedfties himfldf unoonTm^^
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374 HARVABD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Munich manuscript, which had previously been only partially
edited, and then proceeds to examine the mutual relation d
the several biogri^hies. He reaches the conclusion that the
earliest biography by Arcadius has not hesa preserved, but
that all three extant ones were derived from it. — Among the
works relating to Saint B^dedict, that of Herwegerif abbot of
Maria Laach, deserves especial notice as a delicate and care-
fully drawn character-sketch, which, with all due reverence for
tradition, is not devoid of critical method. With Benedict,
however, we have reached the threshold of the Middle Ages,
and so our survey must be suspended at this point, to be re-
sumed in another place.
In the paucity of works on the history of late Latin, the
thorough investigation which Saloniua has devoted to the so-
called Vitae Pabrum (reprinted in Migne, Vols. 78 and 74, after
Rosweyd) must be characterized as very useful. Of the ten
books of the Vitae, Salonius has selected Books S, 5, 6, and 7,
because they stand in closer relation to one another both in
content and in language. Salonius proves at laige that Book S
passes erroneously under the name of Rufinus of Aquileia,
while there is no reason to doubt that the author of Book 5
was the Roman deacon and later Pope Pdagius I (555-560);
of Book 6, the subdeacon John, later Pope John ID (560-563);
and of Book 7, the Spanish monk, Paschasius, about the middle
of the sixth century. The lives are in aU cases translations
from the Greek, and the discovery of the Greek originals would
be of great importance for the reconstruction of the Latin text
As the matter now stands, it can often not be decided whether
an error is to be attributed to the editors, the copyists, or the
translator. In this respect Salonius is very cautious. The
especial attention of students of the language may be called
to the rich material which he offers them.
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NOTES
A CONJECTURE ON MATTHEW XI, 12
The very multiplicity of the attempts whidi have been made to
solve the exegetical problem presented by the diflScult Logion of St.
Matthew 11, 1£ is in itself a strong indication that no one of the prof-
fered interpretations can claim for itself a pre-eminent position; and
inasmuch as all the thought that has been expended upon the Saying
has not succeeded in discovering in it a meaning that by its inherent
probability compels us to accept it as the true interpretation, it is
inevitable that we should wonder whether some error can have crept
into the text.
The manuscripts and versions, it is true, are singularly unanimous
in thdr support of the traditional text; nevertheless I venture to
submit a conjecture which has, as I think, the merit of ^ving to the
Logion a much more inteUigible meaning than any that has hitherto
been proposed.
The evidence of the papyri and kindred sources agrees with the
testimony of the Kteraiy sources in showing that it is permissible to
take /9idf €rat either as middle or as passive. Whichever voice is
adopted the clause in which the word occurs plainly speaks of violent
opposition between the Elngdom and some opposing force, and the
second clause, koI fiioffral dpxdf oiNrcy abr^v^ taken in conjunction with
the preceding words, can scarcely bear any other meaning than that
the Kingdom is being worsted in the conflict. Herein lies the real
difficulty of the Logion, and most of the current interpretations are
attempts to expound the words without looking this obvious difficulty
in the face. We cannot of course think that Jesus would speak of the
Cngdom of Heaven as being worsted in any encounter, and the pur-
pose of this Note is to suggest that the Idngdom spoken of in the
Logion as being hard pressed is not the Kingdom of Heaven at all.
The Gospel records leave us in no doubt that our Lord shared the
conception current among His contemporaries that over against the
Kingdom of God, in constant and violent opposition to it, stood a
Kingdom of Evil. In the Beelzeboul discourse he speaks of it as the
Kingdom of Satan: Kal tl 6 Xaravas t6v DaroyoF ^dXXet, 4^' kiVT^
kiupMii' vQs otp irraBiiirerai 4 /^oo'iXcla airrod; (Matt. 12, £6).
Now is it possible that in the Logion which we are discussing Jesus
is speaking of the Kingdom of Satan? If we could substitute roO
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876 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
Saroira for tQv obpca^ all the obscurity would at once disiq>pear; we
could then take /Stdf ertu as passive and find in the Logion the state-
ment that ever since the days of John's ministry the Kingdom of
Satan was bang hard pressed* and that those who were storming it
were getting the upper hand. But why and how did rOv cbpaa^
replace rov ZaroFa? Is it possible to suggest any reasonable e3q>lana^
tion of the substitution of the one for the other? It seems hopeless,
to discover any reason why in the Greek the words rOnf oDpoj^ should
have supplanted a more original rw Xaray&. But could the substitu-
tion hikve been effected before the words of our Lord had been trans-
lated into Greek — while th^ were still being reported and written
in their original Aramaic? In Aramaic the Elngdom of Heaven
would be MnDen MnupDy while the esqxression corresponding to the
Kingdom of Satan would be lODK^ Mn\3^; and the two eipressions
are sufficiently alike graphically to make confusion easily possible.
That the initial letter of the Hebrew word for kingdom is Mn
while that of the word for Satan is wn is no proof that in Aramaic the
former would be spelt with K^ and the latter invariably with D. It is
true that the Hebrew b is more usuaUy represented in Aramaic by D»
but in every period of Aramaic the interchange of ^ and D is common.
In the particular case of the word Satan the Targums and Talmudic
literature show both forms lODK^ and M^DD in common use. The latter
is rather more frequently used, but the former is quite usual.^
It will be noticed that in modem Square Hebrew the letters which
are not identical in the two words which, as we suggest, were con-
fused (namely the letters nd and yd) are not very dissimilar; but the
possibility has to be borne in mind that they may not have been so
much alike, and that consequently confusion would be less probable,
in the script employed when our Lord's sayings were first written in
Aramaic. Our knowledge, however, of the precise form in which the
Logia were current in his day and later is so meagre that it is not
safe to be dogmatic. It is highly probable that the old Square Hebrew
(see Column v, page 71 of Hastings's Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. I)
was in use in the lifetime of Jesus,* and in that script it was by no
means impossible for the error suggested in this Note to have arisen.
As to the Aramaic underlying the words /9tdf ercu and fiuLoraU it
would not be difficult to suggest expressions which would be in har«
^ For some of these facU I am indebted to my friend and ooIkiigD^
Hooke.
* See Haatings's DietUmary ff ike BibU, VoL I, p. 74a (Taylor), and VoL IV, p.
MOaCKenyon).
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NOTES 877
mony with what we conceive to have been the original meaning of
the Logion. For example, Dalman's rendering of the two words,
which makes DIK its starting-point, would suit our emendation of
the text quite as wdl as it suits Dalman's own interpretation.*
When we remind ourselves of the frequency with which the phrase
* the IQngdom of Heaven ' occurred in the reports of the Master's
discourses, we realize how ea^ it would be for some early scribe to
mi«rf:4^k^ a chance occurrence of words in some measure similar for
just another instance of the great phrase that so frequently recurred.
It is significant, as affording some coiroboration of our hjrpothesis,
that in Matt. 1£, £9 Jesus uses the verb dprdf w of plundering the
goods of the Strong Man — the veiy verb employed in our Logion,
as we interpret it, to describe the successful onset of the new forces
of righteousness upon the IQngdom of Satan.
J. Hugh MicHAm»,
TiciOBiA Coixacm^
ToBOMVo^ Canaaa*
THE TEXT OF LUKE H, ««
This verse contidns a textual problem which has perplexed editors
of the New Testament since the days of Erasmus and the Compluten-
sian edition. The question is, What pronoun should be read after
KoBapiaiJbOV? — airrtau, or airrov, or airnjs?
kinSnf is attested by MABLWFAII etc., by nearly all the minuscules*
by the Peshitta, the Hardean, and the Palestinian Syriac, and by
three minor ancient verinons (Ethiopic, Armenian, and Gothic).
The Arabic Diatessaron also has the plural pronoun, agreeing with
the Peshitta at this point. Qrigen found ainCw in his text of the Gos-
pel, and, so far as is known, he was acquainted with no other reading
in this place. He quotes Luke 2, %St in his Fourteenth Homily on
Luke, which deals with the Circumcision and Purification, and he
discusses the difficulty involved in the plural abrSav without mention-
ing any variant reading. If he had known of such, he would certainly
have made some reference to it. The Homiliae in Lucam were written
at Caesarea, after Qrigen's withdrawal to that dly from Alexandria
in the year 231. We may therefore assume that oinO^ formed part of
Luke 2, 22 in the text current at Caesarea and Alexandria in the early
< Ths Words tfJenu (En^iah T^andbtion), pp. 141, 14t.
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378 HARVARD THEOLOGICAL REVIEW
part of the third century, and that there were no rival daimants for
the place. It was ako the Antiochian, or * Syrian,* reading, as its
predominance in the minuscule manuscripts proves.
kitrSm is sometimes oqilained as referring to the Jews.^* But this
is conteztually objectionable, because the subject understood of
Mn^y^ is the parents of Jesus. Moreover, this interiwetation be-
comes much more difficult, not to say impossible, if one bdieves, as
the present writer does, that the first two chapters of Luke (except the
preface) are based on a Semitic original Some think the plural pro-
noun is used of Maiy and Jesus; ' whilst others, with much better
reason in view of the context, refer a6iw to JoBq>h and Mary.* But
both of these explanations are frau^^t with the difficulty that the
Mosaic Law prescribed purification only f cmt the mother after child-
birth. No ceremonial impurity attached to the father or to the child.
The feminine pronoun a6r$s is found in no Greek manuscript of the
New Testament.^ Its attestation is not only (rf inferior quality; it
is also extremely scanty, being limited to a citation in a work wron^
ascribed to Athanasius,* to a catena on the Gospel,* and to Erpenius's
edition of the Arabic published in 1616 J kMft is obviously a learned
correction either of the reading oinw or of the variant a6ro0, which b
discussed below. It was made by some one who knew that the woman
only according to the Jewish Law needed purification after the birth
of a child.
On the other hand Codex Bezae and at least eight minuscules have
airrw after KoBapuriMH).^ The Sahidic version and the Amsterdam edi-
tion of the Armenian also have * his cleansing ' here.* Eiu$ of the
Old Latin ^ and the Vulgate, as well as the pronominal suffix in the
Sinaitic Sjrriac," are ambiguous; th^ may be interpreted rither as
masculine or as feminine. But inasmuch as ainw is an eariy West-
on ' reading, being found in Codex Bezae and the Sahidic version,
whereas aMjt is veiy slii^tly attested and is doubtless only a learned
correction of ain-cw or a^roD, it seems altogether probable that oinw)
rather than ainiis underlies the Old Latin and the Sinaitic Syriac.
For the Old Latin and Old Syriac versions were made from manu-
scripts of the "Western' type. Moreover, there is no evidence that the
reading aMjs was in existence when dther of these versions was
made. It is quite possible, however, that many readers of the OM
Latin and Sinaitic S3rriac understood the mother of Christ to be
meant. Aimv can only refer to Jesus, whose circumdaon and naming
are recounted in v^se 21. But from the point of view of the Mosaic
* See notes at the end of the article
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NOTES 876
Law it is erroneous to speak of the purification of the child. Never-
thelessy Griesbach regarded aimv as a speciosa lectio^ and Zahn thinks
that it may be the right reading in Luke 2, 22.^
A few authorities have no pronoun at all after KaBapurftov.^ The
omission undoubtedly aiose from a feding that the Evangelist could
not have wntten either aOrosv or ahrod in this place. This reading,
however, has no more claim to be regarded as correct than the f emi-
i nine pronoun a^t.
The Complutensian editors,^ followed by Beza and the Elzevir
editions, adopted a^r^s;" but Erasmus and Ste^^nus printed airr&p
in their New Testaments.^* The Antwop and Paris Polyglots adhere
to the Elzevir tradition, whereas the London Polyglot reproduces
the text of Stephanus. AhT<av is read by Griesbach, Lachmann, Tisch-
endorf, TregeUes, Westcott and Hort, Baljon, and von Soden. No
editor has ever adopted airrovy and none since Alter has printed a6r$f .
The present writer believes that the first two chapters of Luke
(except the preface) are based on a Semitic source. The Greek
variants in Luke 2, 22 can be readily explained if one assumes, with
Bousset, Gressmann, Plummy, and Moffatt, that the underl3riiig
document was written in Aramaic; and this assumption seems rea-
sonable at least so far as the narrative parts of the chapters are
concerned.*^
The source in Luke 2, 22, like the Targum of Onkdos on Lev. 12,
4 and 6, probably had nnDl ndV. The sufBx in nnD*l was intended to
be read as feminine, meaning * her purification.' Luke, or whoever
translated the source into Greek, having read in the preceding verse
about the circumcision and naming of Jesus, took it as masculine,
'his purification,' and translated it by KaBapiafjujv airrov. This was the
original text of Luke 2, 22. But heSore the time of Origen it was
perceived that aincv could not be ri^^t, and it was changed to airruv,
which was suggested by the verb iuf^ayov and seemed to improve
the sense. In course of time airrOp became the dominant reading,
[ though ainov survived in texts which preserved the * Western ' tra-
^ dition. But neither airrod nor oOtQv was universally satisfactory,
since the Mosaic Law demanded purification of the woman after
^' childbirth and of her only. Accordingly ainiis appeared as a learned
V correction, but its range was extremely limited until the appearance
^ of the Complutensian edition in 1522. The adoption of aMjs into the
I text of several early printed editions of the New Testameiit is due
^ in part to the Vulgate dus^ whidi was understood as a feminine
^ pronoun.
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380 HABVARD THEOLOGICAL BEVIEW
NOTES
1. So Mm {Nooum Teiiamenium, ed. Kuster, Prol. H 676 and 1488); vm
Hengd (Annotatioiies, p. 199); Edenheim (Life and Times of Jesus the
Mes^ah, 8th ed., i, p. 195» n. 1).
2. So Origen; de Wette; Winer (Grammar, tr. lliayer, p. 147); Halm.
8. So Meyer, Godet, Alford, Berahard Weiss, Schans, Flummer, £. Klos-
tennann.
4. Codex 76, a Vienna manuscript <A the twdfth or thirteenth centoiy,
is commonly cited as a witness for aMjs. This, however, is an error; for
Gregory, who examined the codex in 1887, reports that it reads airr&v in
Luke 2, » (cf. Tischendorf, Novum Testamentum Graece, IH, 484). Codex
76 b one <A the manuscripts consulted by Alter. He printed air^ in Luke 2,
22 without recording the reading of this codex. Griesbach inferred from
Alter's silence that oMjs was found in 76, and in order to indicate that the
citation was based on hiference he enclosed the number 76 in parentheses.
It has been pointed out above that this manuscript really has airrS^; and
Alter fafled to indicate this fact through carelessness. His edition is sub-
stantially a reprint of 218, a thirteenth century codex in the Imperial libruy
in A^enna. Professor Karl Beth, of Vienna, has kindly informed me that it
reads airr&v in Luke 2, 22. Alter, a Boman Catholic scholar, no doubt
ad<^ted aMis from the Complutensian-Elzevir tradition, or possibly from
the Vulgate AIM. Scholz, with characteristk; inaccuracy, omitted Gnesbach's
parentheses about 76, and thenceforth a6r^ passed mto the critical tradition
as the true reading of the manuscript.
5. Athanasius (Benedictine ed., Paris, 1698), ii, 418 f.
6. Cf . Cramer, Catenae, ii, p. 22. Augustine's De Conseruu EvangdisUarvm,
ii, 17 is cited by l^schendorf as an authority for eius. The passage runs thus:
dies purgatUmU matrU eiue (Benedictine ed., Paris, 1679-1701, iii, col. 88).
7. The Roman edition of the Arabic has no pronoun at this point.
8. Codd. 21, 47, 56, 61, 118, 209, 220, 254.
9. Two Sahidic manuscripts, however, read 'their,* in agreement with
MAB etc. The Amsterdam edition of the Armenian version (1666) is in some
places conformed to the Latin Vulgate (cf . Conybeare in Hastings's Diction-
ary of the Bible, i, 154). Accordingly 'his cleansing' in Luke 2, 22 may he
due to purffoHonU eiue of the Vulgate. Zohrab's critical edition of the New
Testament (1789) has 'their deansing.'
10. The only Latin authorities known to read eamm are q and 5.
11. The Curetonian Syriac is defective at this pdnt.
12. Cf. Zahn, KommenUur, p. 151, note.
18. Cod. 485, Scrivener's z and y, Amphilochius (Ifigne P. 0. XXXIX,
48), the Latin translation of Irenaeus (Migne P. 0. VII, 877 f.), the Bohairic
version (though six manuscripts have 'their'), and the Boman edition ol the
Arabic.
14. What manuscripts the Complutensian editors used in preparing thdr
edition of the New Testament is not known. It is, however, altogether im-
probable that the^ had any Greek authority for aMjs in Luke 2, 22. They
doubtless introduced the word into theur text on the strength of the Vulgate
eiue (understood as a feminine pronoun), just as they adopted 1 Jdm 5, 7
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NOTES S81
and 8 from the ciuient Latin version. In support of aMfs Mill cites the
Ldctionea Vdeaianae, On these readings, which were really not Greek but
Latin, see Wettstein, Novum Tegtamentum^ I, pp. 59 ff.
15. 'Her purification' of the A. V. represents this tradition. The B. V.
on the other hand reads 'their purification' in accordance with the great
uncial manuscripts. Luther wrote 'ihrer Reinigung,' which is ambiguous;
but Gerbeiius's edition of the New Testament (1521, an Erasmian text),
which Luther is said to have used, has a6rci»v. A similar ambiguity is found
in the West Saxon and N<»thumbrian versions.
16. According to Mill, Erasmus was acquainted with one manuscript that
read airrov.
17. The hymns on the other hand are Hebraic in character, and may have
been composed in Hebrew. Cf . Torrey, in Studies in the History of BeligionSy
presented to C. H. Toy, pp. 29S f . Professor Torrey thinks that the prose
setting as well as the hymns themselves were written in Hebrew, and in sup*
port of this view he cites the awkward phrase ds T6\tp 'loifBa in Luke 1, S9.
This he regards as an attempt to translate the Hebrew mrv T)SnD ?M
into Greek. "For the Aramaic KflJ^D nin^? would hardly have been
rendered by els rdXiv 'Io65a. The word IliT could not well have been
misunderstood; moreover, it does not look like the name of a town, nor
would it have been transliterated by Iou5a" (op. cU,, p. £92). *lirr is found
in the Aramaic sections of Ezra and Daniel, but rmrp occurs a number of
times in the Targum on the Prophets as the name of the Southern Kingdom.
Eb T6Xiy *lo06a may therefore represent the Aramaic TTOTV n^HO? or
^ rmn^ n Mmno^. Similarly, Torrey thinks that xpofi^riiolnes h rais
ifikpats airrQp in Luke 1, 7 is a translation of DH^U D^MS. But the orig-
inal may quite as well have been nn piTDIU p^^y. On a priori grounds
^ it is more likdy that a prose writing which circulated among the Jewish
Christians of Palestine should be written in the vernacular Aramaic than in
- the sacred Hebrew, which was to most of them a Kn^ua ^noto. Certainly the
first part of Acts is based on Aramaic, not Hebrew, sources. Cf. Torrey*
The Date and Composition of Acts, pomm.
l W. H. P. Hatch.
^ Thb Epboopal Thsolooigal School
( CAMBBnxa, Mass.
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For catalogues and information apply to
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